Query 1.

Whether the fable of Hercules and the carter ever suited any nation like this nation of Ireland?

2. Qu. Whether it be not a new spectacle under the sun, to behold, in such a climate and such a soil, and under such a gentle government, so many roads untrodden, fields untilled, houses desolate, and hands unemployed?

3. Qu. Whether there is any country in Christendom, either kingdom or republic, depending or independent, free or enslaved, which may not afford us a useful lesson?

4. Qu. Whether the frugal Swisses have any other commodities but their b.u.t.ter and cheese and a few cattle, for exportation; whether, nevertheless, the single canton of Berne hath not in her public treasury two millions sterling?

5. Qu. Whether that small town of Berne, with its scanty barren territory, in a mountainous corner, without sea-ports, without manufactures, without mines, be not rich by mere dint of frugality?

6. Qu. Whether the Swisses in general have not sumptuary laws, prohibiting the use of gold, jewels, silver, silk, and lace in their apparel, and indulging the women only to wear silk on festivals, weddings, and public solemnities?

7. Qu. Whether there be not two ways of growing rich, sparing and getting? But whether the lazy spendthrift must not be doubly poor?

8. Qu. Whether money circulating be not the life of industry; and whether the want thereof doth not render a State gouty and inactive?

9. Qu. But whether, if we had a national bank, and our present cash (small as it is) were put into the most convenient shape, men should hear any public complaints for want of money?

10. Qu. Whether all circulation be not alike a circulation of credit, whatsoever medium (metal or paper) is employed, and whether gold be any more than credit for so much power?

11. Qu. Whether the wealth of the richest nations in Christendom doth not consist in paper vastly more than in gold and silver?

12. Qu. Whether Lord Clarendon doth not aver of his own knowledge, that the Prince of Orange, with the best credit, and the a.s.sistance of the richest men in Amsterdam, was above ten days endeavouring to raise L20,000 in specie, without being able to raise half the sum in all that time? (See Clarendon's History, BK. XII)

13. Qu. Whether the whole city of Amsterdam would not have been troubled to have brought together twenty thousand pounds in one room?

14. Qu. Whether it be not absolutely necessary that there must be a bank and must be a trust? And, if so, whether it be not the most safe and prudent course to have a national bank and trust the legislature?

15. Qu. Whether objections against trust in general avail, when it is allowed there must be a trust, and the only question is where to place this trust, whether in the legislature or in private hands?

16. Qu. Whether it can be expected that private persons should have more regard to the public than the public itself?

17. Qu. Whether, if there be hazards from mismanagement, those may not be provided against in the framing of a pubic bank; but whether any provision can be made against the mismanagement of private banks that are under no check, control, or inspection?

18. Qu. Whatever may be said for the sake of objecting, yet, whether it be not false in fact, that men would prefer a private security to a public security?

19. Qu. Whether a national bank ought to be considered as a new experiment; and whether it be not a motive to try this scheme that it hath been already tried with success in other countries?

20. Qu. If power followeth money, whether this can be anywhere more properly and securely placed, than in the same hands wherein the supreme power is already placed?

21. Qu. Whether there be more danger of abuse in a private than in a public management?

22. Qu. Whether the proper usual remedy for abuses of private banks be not to bring them before Parliament, and subject them to the inspection of a committee; and whether it be not more prudent to prevent than to redress an evil?

23. Qu. Supposing there had been hitherto no such thing as a bank, and the question were now first proposed, whether it would be safer to circulate unlimited bills in a private credit, or bills to a limited value on the public credit of the community, what would men think?

24. Qu. Whether experience and example be not the plainest proof; and whether any instance can be a.s.signed where a national bank hath not been attended with great advantage to the public?

25. Qu. Whether the evils apprehended from a national bank are not much more to be apprehended from private banks; but whether men by custom are not familiarized and reconciled to common dangers, which are therefore thought less than they really are?

26. Qu. Whether it would not be very hard to suppose all sense, honesty, and public spirit were in the keeping of only a few private men, and the public was not fit to be trusted?

27. Qu. Whether it be not ridiculous to suppose a legislature should be afraid to trust itself?

28. Qu. But, whether a private interest be not generally supported and pursued with more zeal than a public?

29. Qu. Whether the maxim, 'What is everybody's business is n.o.body's,' prevails in any country under the sun more than in Ireland?

30. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, the community of danger, which lulls private men asleep, ought not to awaken the public?

31. Qu. Whether there be not less security where there are more temptations and fewer checks?

32. Qu. If a man is to risk his fortune, whether it be more prudent to risk it on the credit of private men, or in that of the great a.s.sembly of the nation?

33. Qu. Where is it most reasonable to expect wise and punctual dealing, whether in a secret impenetrable recess, where credit depends on secrecy, or in a public management regulated and inspected by Parliament?

34. Qu. Whether a supine security be not catching, and whether numbers running the same risk, as they lessen the caution, may not increase the danger?

35. Qu. What real objection lies against a national bank erected by the legislature, and in the management of public deputies, appointed and inspected by the legislature?

36. Qu. What have we to fear from such a bank, which may not be as well feared without it?

37. Qu. How, why, by what means, or for what end, should it become an instrument of oppression?

38. Qu. Whether we can possibly be on a more precarious foot than we are already? Whether it be not in the power of any particular person at once to disappear and convey himself into foreign parts? or whether there can be any security in an estate of land when the demands upon it are unknown?

39. Qu. Whether the establishing of a national bank, if we suppose a concurrence of the government, be not very practicable?

40. Qu. But, whether though a scheme be never so evidently practicable and useful to the pubic, yet, if conceived to interfere with a private interest, it be not forthwith in danger of appearing doubtful, difficult, and impracticable?

41. Qu. Whether the legislative body hath not already sufficient power to hurt, if they may be supposed capable of it, and whether a bank would give them any new power?

42. Qu. What should tempt the pubic to defraud itself?

43. Qu. Whether, if the legislature destroyed the public, it would not be felo de se; and whether it be reasonable to suppose it bent on its own destruction?

44. Qu. Whether the objection to a pubic national bank, from want of secrecy, be not in truth an argument for it?

45. Qu. Whether the secrecy of private banks be not the very thing that renders them so hazardous? and whether, without that, there could have been of late so many sufferers?

46. Qu. Whether when all objections are answered it be still inc.u.mbent to answer surmises?

47. Qu. Whether it were just to insinuate that gentlemen would be against any proposal they could not turn into a job?

48. Qu. Suppose the legislature pa.s.sed their word for any private banker, and regularly visited his books, would not money lodged in his bank be therefore reckoned more secure?