The task of the five men was completed. They had done everything in their power to carry out the wishes of the Delegates, but they had not been able to succeed. They had been swimming against a stream that was too strong for them.

CHAPTER V

THE BITTER END

That same evening, the 28th of May, the commission returned to Vereeniging, and the following morning a meeting of both Governments was held in the tent of President Steyn to hear the report of the five men.

The commission read the following letter:--

TO THE HONOURABLE GOVERNMENTS OF THE ORANGE FREE STATE AND THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.

"PRETORIA, _28th May 1902_.

"HONOURABLE SIRS,--In accordance with our commission from both Governments to proceed to Pretoria for the purpose of negotiating with the British authorities on the question of peace, we have the honour to report as follows: The sessions lasted from Monday the 19th May till Wednesday the 28th May, and the delay was chiefly caused by the long time which had to be given to the cable correspondence with the British Government. First of all, we submitted a proposal in which we endeavoured to negotiate on the basis of a limited Independence, with the surrender of a portion of our territory. Lord Kitchener and Lord Milner positively refused to negotiate upon this basis, and informed us that if this proposal were telegraphed to the British Government it would be detrimental to the negotiations. At the same time we were informed that, as already stated to the two Governments, the British Government was only prepared to negotiate on the basis of the Middleburg proposal, with minor modifications. In order to throw this proposal into a final shape, Lord Milner asked the a.s.sistance of some members of the commission; and this was agreed to, on the understanding that the help of these members should be given without prejudice.

"As the result of the labours of this sub-committee, Lord Milner laid on the table a draft proposal to which we insisted that the new article should be added, which was agreed to (No. 11). This draft proposal was then telegraphed to the British Government, and was by them altered into a final form, which was communicated to us. This final proposal is annexed hereunto. We were also informed on the part of the British Government that this proposal could not be further altered, but had to be either adopted or rejected as it stood by the Delegates of both Republics: at the same time we were informed, that this adoption or rejection had to take place within a fixed time. We thereupon told Lord Kitchener that this final decision would be communicated to him not later than Sat.u.r.day evening next (the 31st of May).

"During the formal negotiations some informal discussions also took place regarding the British subjects in the Cape Colony and Natal, who have fought on our side. As the result of these informal discussions, a communication was made to us by the British Government, which we annex hereunto.--We have the honour to be your Honours' obedient servants,

"LOUIS BOTHA.

J. H. DE LA REY.

C. R. DE WET.

J. B. M. HERTZOG.

J. C. s.m.u.tS."

That the Governments were greatly disappointed it is needless to say, that they did not say much may be well imagined. Still, questions were asked as to the meaning of conditions that appeared to require explanation, and these were answered by the commission to the best of their ability.

President Steyn made a few remarks, and pointed out how objectionable the proposal was. He expressed himself strongly against the acceptance of it.

General de la Rey pointed out that the Representatives of the People should have to choose one of these three ways out of the difficulty: (1) To continue the struggle; or (2) To accept the proposal of the British Government; or (3) Unconditional surrender.

Hereupon President Steyn remarked that there was still a fourth: viz. To insist upon our cause being decided in Europe by persons empowered, and sent thither by us.

"But," he added in a sad tone, "I am like one who had been wounded to death. I can no longer take part in the struggle, and have therefore perhaps no right to speak any more. To-day I must, on account of my serious illness, resign my position, and now the matter is in your hands and in those of the Representatives of the People!"

It was a hard thing to hear those words: "I am as one who has been wounded to death." Our hearts were broken at the thought that the President could not wield the sword. He had in the long and dreadful struggle lived each day on the very summit of determination and of courage. Never, not even when he saw that his bodily strength was rapidly failing, had he shown the slightest sign of discouragement.

And now he could no longer take part in the struggle. Many things in this war had weighed heavily upon us; but the fate of President Steyn broke our hearts.

Having conversed together some moments longer, the Governments proceeded to the tent of a.s.sembly, and there laid the letter of the commission before the Delegates.

It was a blow for these Representatives of the People, a blow which, though it did not come unexpectedly, was nevertheless overwhelming. It stunned them like the thunder-clap which, expected from moment to moment, at last explodes.

The clouds lowered, and their sombre shadow lay upon the meeting until the end of the discussions.

In the first place, the commission was asked for explanations regarding the various articles of the British proposal, to which "Yes" or "No" was now to be the answer. It was as if they were seeking for something in the proposal that could not be found there.

There were all sorts of conditions in it, but all were on one condition: _The Republics must surrender their Independence!_

During the adjournment in the afternoon the Free State Delegates met in the tent of General de Wet to accept there the resignation of President Steyn. They received a letter from him, in which he said that he was obliged to do this on account of his serious illness. He further stated that, according to a law which gave him that power, he had appointed General C. R. de Wet as Acting State President.

Just when the letter had been read and discussed, something happened in the tent that drew the heart of the Free Stater closer to that of the Transvaaler than before. Acting President Burger gave, on behalf of his Government to the Government of the Orange Free State, a sum of money--not so much, he said, as they would have desired--for the use of President Steyn. All were moved, and Judge Hertzog expressed the feelings of all when accepting the gift, as chairman, he said that they were deeply touched by the thoughtfulness of the Transvaalers, and that their deed afforded a new proof of our indissoluble union.

Shortly before three o'clock horses were harnessed to the vehicle of President Steyn, and accompanied by Dr. van der Merwe he got into it.

Dr. van der Merwe was now going to take him to his own house at Krugersdorp, and there to take further charge of him. And here I must not let the opportunity pa.s.s without bearing witness to the unselfishness and self-sacrifice of this doctor. Everyone appreciated what he had done for the President, and I feel a.s.sured that the Africander nation will bear it in thankful remembrance.

The President said farewell to those who loved him, and rode away. I sat writing in another tent on some business of his, and did not see him depart.

The carriage rolled away, and I had not said farewell to him. I could not let him go without a last pressure of the hand. I ran after the vehicle. The guards stopped it, and so I could reach him. I grasped the hand of the sick man. I still see him as he sat in his carriage. He looked to me like the personification of all that was n.o.ble, of all that was heroic: a man who for a great idea could sacrifice all.

I feel the pressure of his hand yet, I still hear his words, but how he looked, and what he spoke, I may not, and what pa.s.sed through my heart, I cannot set down here.

The carriage drove away.

The curtain had fallen upon a tragedy: Martinus Theunis Steyn had disappeared from the scene.

It was as if an arrow had gone through my heart.

I went to the tent of a.s.sembly. I listened to the words of the Delegates, and mechanically made notes of what was said; but my heart was elsewhere. It was with the man who had striven as few could, and who was now being carried away by the train farther and farther from the arena.

For a considerable time longer the Delegates continued asking for explanations of the articles of the British proposal. At last nothing remained to be asked; then it was that one of the Delegates girded himself to the task of placing himself face to face with the question, "What we were to accept: whether we should continue this struggle, or whether we should accept the terms of the British Government, or whether we should surrender unconditionally."

The Delegate who spoke first said that the terms of the English were not such as had been desired, but that under the circ.u.mstances no better ones could be expected. It was his opinion that they should be accepted.

This Delegate had hardly sat down when General Nieuwoudt rose and expressed it as his view that the meeting should immediately proceed to vote.

This was a bold move, intended, as everyone could see, to obtain a vote for the continuance of the struggle. And this would have happened if a vote had now been taken, for the meeting was just then in a mood to reject the English proposals, which had made a very unfavourable impression. This was well understood, and several members remarked that in such an important matter the meeting should be careful, and not act without due caution; if it did it might prove fatal. The discussions then continued, until a resolution was come to on the afternoon of the third day, Sat.u.r.day, the 31st of May.

As things had gone in the beginning, so they went now. There were two parties, and the views were distinctly and clearly marked; the one side maintaining that it was the duty of the people to continue the struggle, whilst the other party held that, whatever one might wish, it was no longer possible to do so. I shall not note here all that was said, for much that had been said on the 15th, 16th, and 17th of May was repeated. I shall now again, as I did in a former chapter, summarise and arrange.

There were some who pointed out that, however one might regard the matter, it was impossible to continue the war. As before, it was remarked that we stood on the threshold of a famine, and that it was want of food that was forcing us to discontinue the struggle. It was also stated that horses had become so scarce that almost three out of every ten burghers had to go about on foot, and that the horses which we still possessed were so weak that they were unable to do the work that was required of them, especially now that no forage was any longer obtainable and they had to subsist on gra.s.s only. It had also become undeniably evident that the commandos had grown gradually weaker. Where we lost men we could not fill up their places. Thus General de la Rey--the man who had never shown any signs of discouragement--declared that since his last great fights he had lost 300 men, dead, wounded, and prisoners, and that his cattle had been captured by 40,000 mounted troops. Commandant-General Botha also referred to the fact that the English had 31,400 of our men prisoners-of-war, that of these 600 had died, and that 3800 of our burghers had fallen in battle. He said that if the war continued in the same manner we should eventually be exhausted, and should not again have a chance to negotiate. General s.m.u.ts made it clear to the meeting that it was possible to continue the war from a military point of view for three or six months longer; but the war was not a mere _military_ matter, it was a _national_ matter; and he added, "Why did we fight? Merely for the sake of fighting; merely to shoot and be shot? No, it was for our Independence. Well, then, was there any chance left, humanly speaking, of retaining it?"

But what was more specially urged was the miserable plight of our women. Many of them had hardly any clothes left, and they were in danger of dying of famine. When the commandos brought them food it was taken away by the English forces, so pitilessly that they took, as it were, the food out of the mouths of the children. So far from the truth was it that the English had removed our wives to the concentration camps from charitable motives, that during the last six months they had refused to receive them when, driven by want, they had sought refuge in the camps, and had, since the need had become most pressing, sent them back to their ruined dwellings when the women had gone to the towns for help.

Moreover, every Delegate there knew well to what dangers the women were exposed, and that whenever they most required the protection of the men those men had to retire before the overwhelming numbers of the enemy, thus leaving the women behind, exposed to indescribable insults from Kaffirs and soldiers. This surely could not continue.

On the other hand, it was argued that if the proposal was accepted the nation would thereby be extinguished. It was said that if the war was continued then there was a hope of winning it; but by accepting the proposal the deathblow would be given to our national existence. The unsatisfactory nature of the terms offered by England were also dwelt upon. The arrangement offered in the proposal as to compensation for losses suffered by the war was insufficient, and the people would be reduced to the greatest poverty. It was further urged that we should not allow our courage to sink on account of the dark hour we were pa.s.sing through. In the past there had also been dark days. Dark had been the days when the chief towns had been taken by the enemy, when General Prinsloo surrendered, when the railway lines fell completely into the hands of the enemy. But we put our trust in G.o.d and carried on the struggle, and no one was made ashamed. After the sifting, those who were left had remained steadfast. The outlook had also been dark when the ammunition was spent. General de Wet said that he used to shudder when he saw a burgher coming towards him with an empty cartridge-belt. And yet later on so much was taken from the English that there was now a sufficient supply. The fact also that England was at this moment ready to negotiate was a proof that by persisting we had gained something, for there had been a time when Lord Salisbury had insisted on unconditional surrender. Another Delegate also reminded the meeting that there was a time when Lord Roberts would not meet General Botha, and now the English were negotiating with us! Why then, some Delegates asked, should this be the last chance of negotiating? Even if the proposal was now declined--this had been done before several times in the past--England would be willing to negotiate, and the chances were that at each negotiation they would obtain better terms.

So the Representatives of the People discussed the great question; but it was as if they were grasping at the last straw floating on the stormy waters of a whirlpool. We could not resist the conviction that the Africander nation was exhausted. Gradually it was becoming evident that it was impossible to continue the war. Even those who saw a chance to hold out in their own districts and with their own commandos began more and more to perceive that they could not do so if they stood alone.

This conviction acted on the minds of the Delegates, and, as General Beyers remarked, a spirit of aversion to further resistance arose.

Against this spirit it was seen to be impossible to struggle. Judge Hertzog also showed that, although he wished to make no accusation against anyone, the holding of this meeting had been a great mistake, for the meeting had taken away the last plank upon which they had stood.

For at this meeting the Delegates had been obliged to declare what the true state of the country was, and those who still had courage would now, after learning to what a pa.s.s matters had come, grow disheartened.

General de la Rey also pointed to this when he said, "You may say what you will, resolve what you will; but whatever you do, here in this meeting is the end of the war!" The same was said by General s.m.u.ts.

"This is for us," he said, "a great moment, perhaps the last in which we shall meet as a free people and a free Government."