But the whole of his staff were taken prisoners, with the exception of the Government Secretary, Mr. J. W. C. Brebner, who was absent on leave.

The brave Commandant, Mr. Davel, who was chief of the bodyguard, was also captured. Besides the President only seven men of the bodyguard escaped. An English officer called it _luck_. We call it by another name.

All the money and State doc.u.ments fell into the hands of the English.

What made the loss of the doc.u.ments a serious matter for us, was that amongst them was a letter from the Government of the South African Republic giving expression to a very despondent spirit about the condition of affairs, and saying that there was danger that the continuation of the struggle would only tend more and more to the ruin of our people, and that the time was gone by when matters could be allowed to drift on.[10]

[Footnote 10: That letter was as follows:--

GOVERNMENT OFFICE, ON THE FIELD,

_10th May 1901._

His Honour, the Government Secretary, O.F.S.,

HONOURED SIR,--Herewith I have the honour to inform you that on this day the following officers have met the Government here, viz.: His Honour the Commandant-General, General B. J. Viljoen, General J. C. s.m.u.ts (State-Attorney), the latter representing the western districts. Our condition was fully discussed, and the following points considered:--

_First._ That small groups of burghers are still constantly surrendering to the enemy, and that this danger is becoming a more and more serious one, whereby we are exposed to the risk of our cause coming to a dishonourable conclusion, because the result may be, that the Government and the officers may be left in the veld without any burghers. This imposes a heavy responsibility upon the Government and the officers, seeing that they represent the people, and not themselves.

_Secondly._ That our supply of ammunition is so exhausted that no battle of any importance can any more be fought, and that we shall thereby be reduced to the condition of hopelessly fleeing hither and thither before the enemy. Owing to this also it is becoming impossible for us to protect our people with their cattle, who thus are becoming poorer and more and more despondent, and we shall soon be unable to supply our forces with food.

_Thirdly._ For the reasons above stated, the authority of the Government is gradually being weakened, and the danger has arisen that the people will lose all respect and obedience for their lawful leaders, and lapse into a state of disorder, and our further persistence in such a struggle can only tend more and more to ruin our people, and to make it apparent to them that it is only the enemy who has authority in the land.

_Fourthly._ Not only is our people being disintegrated in the way above stated, but it will also surely happen that the leaders of the people whose personal influence has. .h.i.therto kept them together will fall into total disrepute, and will lose all influence, by which every hope of the revival of the national spirit in the future will be lost.

_Fifthly._ The people constantly insist upon an answer to the question, what prospect there exists of carrying on the war to a successful issue, and they have a right to expect that when it is become clear to the Government and the leaders that there is no longer any sound reason to be hopeful for our cause, this shall be honestly and candidly made known to them. Hitherto the Government had expected that through the efforts of our Deputation and European complications there might be some hope for our cause.

And this Government feels strongly that before taking any final resolution another effort should be made to arrive at certainty with regard to this.

Taking into consideration the above-named points, the Government, with the officers already named, has resolved as follows:--

1. That a request shall at once be made to Lord Kitchener that by means of delegates to be sent by us to Europe, the condition of our country shall be communicated to President Kruger, which delegates should then return as speedily as possible.

2. That if this request be refused, or should lead to negative results, an armistice should then be asked for, whereby an opportunity shall be afforded, in conjunction with your Government, to consult the people of both States, in order finally to decide what is to be done.

This is, however, subject to any suggestion that your Government, bearing in mind the above-stated difficulties, may be able to offer.

This Government feels very earnestly that the time is gone by for allowing this matter to drift, and that the time has come for taking decisive steps, and would therefore be glad to receive an answer from your Government.--I have the honour to be,

Your Obedient Servant,

(Signed) F. W. Reitz, State Secretary.]

To this President Steyn wrote a long reply, dated 15th May 1901, in which he expressed his great regret at this despatch of the Transvaal Government. He said that although in the Free State they had also had to see men laying down their arms, yet that it had been surmounted; also that although ammunition had for a long time been scarce, yet there was still after every fight enough to begin the next one with.

As to the question, what prospect there was of continuing the struggle any longer, he would ask, what prospect two little Republics had had from the beginning of winning in a struggle against the mighty England?

And if at the commencement we had put our trust in G.o.d, why should we now not continue to do so? He also pointed out that if our cause were utterly hopeless in Europe, we should certainly have heard of it from our Deputation. He further a.s.sured the Transvaal Government that even if, in case of an armistice, the people of the Free State were consulted, the resolution of those men who still stood their ground would be not to lay down their arms.

He also disapproved of the resolution of the Transvaal Government, to ask Lord Kitchener to be allowed to send somebody to Europe, because thereby we exposed our hand to the enemy; and he added that he was very sorry such a resolution had been taken without first consulting the Free State.

As regards the fear expressed by the Transvaal Government that they and the officers would be left without burghers in the field, the President said that in the Free State, even if the Government and the officers surrendered themselves, the people would not do so. He also showed how disastrous it would be if the Free State, which had offered up not only its blood and its treasure, but had also thrown its independence into the scale on behalf of the sister Republic, were deserted by that Republic. That then all reliance of Africander upon Africander, and also all co-operation, would be for ever destroyed, and that it was a chimera to believe that thereafter the nation would rise again. If we wished to remain a people, now was the time to endure to the end.

After referring to some matter which he had read of in the newspapers, he continued in the following forcible language: "All these things make me believe that we should commit national suicide if we now give in.

Therefore, brothers, continue to stand firm! Do not make our suffering and all our efforts in the past to no purpose, and our trust in the G.o.d of our fathers be turned to mockery. Encourage rather your weaker brethren." The President concluded this very remarkable letter with the question whether we were to desert the colonial burghers a second time.

"May G.o.d forbid it!" he said.

Although the unfortunate letter of the Government of the South African Republic was three months old, and the feeling in the Transvaal had since its date utterly changed, this sad correspondence, as was to be expected, gave fresh courage to the English.

Both letters were telegraphed, abbreviated and mutilated, to England, and the Transvaal letter had, as I subsequently read in the newspapers, a beneficial influence (for England) in parliamentary circles. But, as I have already said, a different spirit had arisen in the Transvaal. This President Steyn found when immediately after the fight at Graspan he, together with General de Wet, Judge Hertzog, and General de la Rey, visited the South African Republic. He had not rested, after receipt of the letter from the Transvaal Government, but had immediately summoned not only General de Wet and Judge Hertzog, but also the Transvaal General de la Rey (who had not been present at the Transvaal meeting), to accompany him to the South African Republic. When he arrived in that Republic he found that the Government had quite recovered from its despondency. This had been brought about especially by the following circ.u.mstance: the Government had carried out its resolution to ask Lord Kitchener's leave to send a delegate to Europe for the purpose of acquainting President Kruger and the Deputation with our condition, and to consult with them as to the continuance of the struggle. Lord Kitchener had refused to grant this, but had given permission to send a cablegram in the code of the Netherlands consul. The State Attorney, General s.m.u.ts, and Advocate de Wet had gone to Standerton, and sent a telegram in which the state of affairs was represented in as dark a light as possible. After a fortnight the reply came. It was short, and stated that although there was then no chance of intervention, we should nevertheless continue: the telegram said also that the two Republics should co-operate. This was said in reference to a statement in the Transvaal telegram saying that President Steyn did not approve of giving in. Moreover, two fights, in which our arms had been victorious and which took place just at that period of despondency, had served to encourage the Transvaal Government. One at Vlakfontein, where General Kemp, and the other at Welmanrust, where Commandant Muller had engaged the English. These were important fights, and refuted what had been stated in the letter of the Transvaal Government to the effect that no battle of any importance could any more be fought. Thus one thing and another had brought about such a change in the minds of the Transvaal Government, that when the President and his party met them there was no sign of dejection, and it was difficult to believe that they were the same persons who had instructed the State Secretary to write the letter of the 10th of May.

CHAPTER XIX

DAYS OF THANKSGIVING AND HUMILIATION

While President Steyn was in the Transvaal the two Governments held a combined session, and prepared a proclamation in which the people were acquainted with what the Government of the Transvaal had telegraphed to President Kruger, and what the reply had been. This doc.u.ment contained, besides the firm resolve of both Governments to continue the war with all possible vigour, a proclamation calling upon everyone to join in a general thanksgiving on the 8th of August 1901, and in a general day of prayer on the 9th. Not only were the dates fixed and the objects for prayer and thanksgiving stated, but the proclamation also admonished us in what spirit we should set about it. Very rarely, I believe, has a proclamation been issued by a Government of modern times couched in similar terms.

I was with the Ficksburg burghers when this proclamation was read to them, and when I arrived at Fouriesburg, on the 16th of July, I received a letter from the President asking me to be with him during the days of thanksgiving and humiliation. I now set out to seek him, where he had directed me, somewhere in the neighbourhood of Nauwpoort.

It so happened that just on the 29th of July I pa.s.sed the spot where General Hunter had encamped a year before, and where he had received the arms of many of the burghers who had given up the struggle at the unfortunate surrender of Prinsloo.

Once more I marked the sharp contrast of light and shadow on the proud mountains; again I gazed on the beauty and grandeur of cliff, ravine, and torrent, and again I felt my insignificance in the awful presence of Nature. But I was now in a different mood from that in which I was a year before. Then I was despondent and discouraged; now I was buoyant and looked forward hopefully. Then all was dark about me; now I looked up into the blue sky, and the future seemed nearly as bright and unclouded as the blue overhead. What a change the year had wrought. My son and I rode through the mountains at Nauwpoort on the following day, and remained overnight under the roof of Mr. Abraham Naude. On the following day I rode to the house of Mr. Jan Roos, to get further news about the whereabouts of the President, as the landdrost, Mr. Jan Brand Wessels, stayed there. There I heard about a gallant thing done by the burghers of Harrismith under Commandant Jan Jacobsz. Early on the morning of 28th July a force of English, numbering about 200, and led by a Kaffir, had attacked one of our guards in a kopje not far from Mr.

Frederick Moolman's house. The guards fled, abandoning horses and everything else. Soon news of what had happened was brought to Field-Cornet Frans Jacobsz. He hurried to the scene with a handful of men and threw the English into confusion by firing on them. When the men belonging to the guard had procured new horses on the farm of Mr.

Marthinus de Jager, they returned and took part in the fight. The result of all this was that instead of the force, which had come from Harrismith, capturing the burghers of Commandant Jacobsz, 43 of them were taken prisoners and several killed and wounded. On our side only Field-Cornet Jacobsz was wounded.

The second day, after having pa.s.sed through Nauwpoort, I found the President on the farm of Mr. Wessel Naude. Although he was somewhat indisposed, he was as buoyant as ever and showed no signs of discouragement. He told me, however, that he missed the presence of the old members of his Government and of his bodyguard very much. Mr.

Hendrik van Niekerk, captain of the scouting corps raised in connection with the bodyguard, had been appointed in the place of Commandant Davel.

The head of our State then was still full of hope!

How I then, as always, envied persons of an optimistic nature, persons who never gave way to despair! If there were not men like President Steyn and General de Wet in the world, no obstacles, seemingly insuperable, would ever be surmounted.

We held the solemn day of thanksgiving and of prayer--the first on the farm of Mr. Nicolaas Kruger, the second on the farm of Mr. Willem Blignaut, and then I parted from our lovable and indomitable President, in the hope of joining him shortly afterwards. But this did not happen until the 24th of October.

CHAPTER XX

ANOTHER BRITISH PROCLAMATION

I went to Witzieshoek to visit my friend Mr. J. J. Ross. What an Elim the place was to me during the week I stayed there. The surroundings seemed to transport me two years back into the past. His children reminded me of my own!

And the books in the study! I read--no, I tasted--here a line from this author, there a page from another, which is wrong!--oh, I know that! But still it satisfies a person of my temperament and tastes no less than, though perhaps more ethereally, it does the reader--yes, the reader--to devour every book, word for word, that he attacks.

I skimmed--not that I always do this with books: no, generally I too read; but now I merely skimmed--here a little and there a little.