The Rise of Canada, from Barbarism to Wealth and Civilisation.

by Charles Roger.

PREFACE.

The beauty of a book, as of a picture, consists in the grouping of images and in the arrangement of details. Not only has att.i.tude and grouping to be attended to by the painter, and by the narrator of events, but attention must be paid to light and shade; and the same subject is susceptible of being treated in many ways. When the idea occurred to me of offering to the public of Canada a history of the province, I was not ignorant of the existence of other histories. Smith, Christie, Garneau, Gourlay, Martin and Murray, the narratives of the Jesuit Fathers, Charlevoix, the Journals of Knox, and many other histories and books, were more or less familiar to me; but there was then no history, of all Canada from the earliest period to the present day so concisely written, and the various events and personages, of which it is composed, so grouped together, as to present an attractive and striking picture to the mind of every reader. It was that want which I determined to supply, and with some degree of earnestness the self-imposed task was undertaken. My plan was faintly to imitate the simple narrative style, the conciseness, the picturesqueness, the eloquence, the poetry, and the philosophic spirit of a history, the most remarkable of any extant-that of the world. As Moses graphically and philosophically has sketched the peopling of the earth; painted the beauties of dawning nature; shown the origin of agriculture and the arts; described the social advancement of families, tribes and nations; exhibited the short-comings and the excellencies of patriarchal and of monarchical forms of government; exposed the warrings and bickerings among men; told of the manner in which a people escaped from bondage and raised themselves on the wreck of thrones, princ.i.p.alities, and powers, to greatness; published the laws by which that most chosen people were governed; and dwelt upon the perversity of human nature; and as other men, divinely inspired, have sublimely represented the highest stages of Jewish civilisation, so did I propose to myself to exhibit the rise of Canada from a primitive condition to its present state of advancement. My first great difficulty was to obtain a publisher. There could only be a very few persons who would run the risk of publishing a mere history of Canada, even with all these fanciful excellencies, produced by one unknown to fame. But "where there is a will, there is a way," and about the middle of the month of June last, I had succeeded in disposing of a book, then scarcely begun, to Mr. Peter Sinclair, Bookseller, John Street, in the City of Quebec. That gentleman, with characteristic spirit and liberality, agreed to become my publisher, and until the 17th day of September, I read and wrote diligently, having written, in round numbers, about a thousand pages of foolscap and brought to a conclusion the first rebellion. Then the work of printing was begun, and the correction of all the proofs together with the editorial management of a newspaper, have since afforded me sufficient occupation. Mr. McMullen, of Brockville, has, however, produced a history of this country from its discovery to the present time, almost as if he had been influenced by motives similar to those which have influenced me. His pictures, however, are not my pictures, nor his sentiments my sentiments. The books-although the facts are the same and necessarily derived from the same sources-are essentially different. He is most elaborate in the beginning, I become more and more particular with regard to details towards the close-I expand with the expansion of the country. In the first chapter of this first volume, the history of the province while under French rule is rapidly traced, and the history of the New England Colonies dipped into, with the view of showing the progressional resemblance between that country which is now the United States and our own; in the second chapter the reader obtains only a glance, as it were, at the American war of independence, when he is carried again into Canada and made acquainted with the many difficulties in spite of which Upper and Lower Canada continued to advance in wealth and civilisation; in the third chapter a history of the war between England and the United States is given with considerable minuteness; and the fourth chapter brings the reader up to the termination of that extraordinary period of mis-government, subsequent to the American war, which continued until the Rebellion, and has not even yet been altogether got rid of. There are without doubt, errors, exceptions, and omissions enough to be found-an island may have been inadvertently placed in a wrong lake, a date or figure may be incorrect, words may have been misprinted, and, in some parts, the sense a little interfered with-but I have set down nothing in malice, having had a strict regard for truth. I have creamed Gourlay, Christie, Murray, Alison, Wells, and Henry, and taken whatever I deemed essential from a history of the United States, without a t.i.tle page, and from Jared Sparks and other authors; but for the history of Lower Canada my chief reliance has been upon the valuable volumes, compiled with so much care, by Mr. Christie, and I have put the essence of his sixth volume of revelations in its fitting place.

For valuable a.s.sistance in the way of information, I am indebted to Mr. Christie personally, to the Honble. Henry Black, to the Librarians of the Legislative a.s.sembly-the Reverend Dr. Adamson and Dr. Winder-and to Daniel Wilkie, Esquire, one of the teachers of the High School of Quebec.

C. ROGER.

Quebec, 31st December, 1855.

THE RISE OF CANADA FROM BARBARISM TO CIVILISATION.

CHAPTER I.

There have been many attempts to discover a northwest pa.s.sage to the East Indies or China. Some of these attempts have been disastrous, but none fruitless. They have all led to other discoveries of scarcely inferior importance, and so recently as within the past twelve months the discovery of a pa.s.sage from the Atlantic to the Pacific Oceans has been made. It was in the attempt to find a new pa.s.sage from Europe to Asia that this country was discovered. In one of these exploring expeditions, England, four centuries ago, employed John Cabot. This Italian navigator, a man of great intrepidity, courage, and nautical skill, discovered Newfoundland, saw Labrador, (only previously known to the Danes) and entered the Gulf of St. Lawrence. To Labrador he gave, it is alleged, the name of Primavista. But that he so designated that still rugged and inhospitable, but not unimprovable, region, is less than probable. The name was more applicable to the gulf which, doubtless, appeared to Cabot to be a first glimpse of the grand marine highway of which he was in quest, and with which he was so content that he returned to England and was knighted by Henry the Seventh. Sebastian Cabot made the next attempt to reach China by sailing northwest. He penetrated to Hudson's Bay, never even got a glimpse of the St. Lawrence, and returned to England. Fifty years afterwards, Cotereal left Portugal, with the view of following the course of the elder Cabot. He reached Labrador, returned to Portugal, was lost on a second voyage, and was the first subject of a "searching expedition," three vessels having been fitted out with that view by the King of Portugal. Several other attempts at discovery were subsequently made. Two merchants of Bristol, in England, obtained a patent to establish colonies in Newfoundland and Labrador, and in 1527, Henry the Seventh, for the last time, despatched a northwest pa.s.sage discovery fleet. The formation of English settlements, and the exploration were equally unsuccessful. These facts I allude to, rather with the object of accounting for the name of "Canada," applied to the country through which the St. Lawrence flows, than for any other purpose. In the "Relations des Jesuits," Father Henepin states that the Spaniards first discovered Canada while in search, not of a northwest pa.s.sage, but of gold, which they could not find, and therefore called the land, so valueless in their eyes, El Capo di Nada-"The Cape of Nothing." But, the Spaniards, who possibly did visit Canada two years before Cabot, whatever the object of their voyage may have been, could not have done anything so absurd. Quebec, not Canada, may have been to them Cape Nothing, and doubtless was. It was the way they looked for. That was as visible to them as to Cabot, and a pa.s.sage, strath, or way is signified in Spanish by the word Canada. It was not gold but a way to gold that English, Spaniards, Italians, and French sought. It was the cashmeres, the pearls, and the gold of India that were wanted. It was a short way to wealth that all hoped for. And the St. Lawrence has, indeed, been a short way to wealth, if not to China, as will afterwards be shown.[1]

Pa.s.sing over the exploration of what is now the Coast of the United States, by Verrazzano, I come to the discovery of Gaspe Basin and the River St. Lawrence, by Jacques Cartier, of St. Malo, in France. With ships of one hundred and twenty tons, and forty tons, Cartier arrived in the St. Lawrence-as some spring traders of the present day occasionally do-before the ice had broken up, and found it necessary to go back and seek shelter in some of the lower bays or harbours. He left St. Malo in April, 1534, and arrived in the St. Lawrence early in May. Returning to Gaspe, he entered the Bay Chaleur, remained there until the 25th July, and returned to France. Next year, Cartier arrived in the St. Lawrence, after various disasters to his three vessels, and viewed and named Anticosti, which he called L'Isle de L'a.s.somption; explored the River Saguenay; landed on, and named the Isle aux Coudres, or Island of Filberts; pa.s.sed the Isle of Bacchus, now Island of Orleans; and at length came to anchor on the "Little River" St. Croix, the St. Charles of these times, on which stood the huts of Stadacona. Cartier chatted with the Indians for a season. He found them an exceedingly good tempered and very communicative people. They told him that there was another town higher up the river, and Cartier determined upon visiting that congregation of birch bark tents or huts, pitched on a spot of land called Hochelaga, now the site of Montreal. At Hochelaga the "new Governor" met with a magnificent reception. A thousand natives a.s.sembled to meet him on the sh.o.r.e, and the compliment was returned by presents of "tin" beads, and other trifles. Hochelaga was the chief Indian Emporium of Canada; it was ever a first cla.s.s city-in Canada. Charlevoix says, even in those days this (Hochelaga) was a place of considerable importance, as the capital of a great extent of country. Eight or ten villages were subject to its sway. Jacques Cartier returned to Quebec, loaded his vessels with supposed gold ore, and Cape Diamonds, which he supposed were brilliants of the first water, and then went home to France, where he told a truly magnificent tale concerning a truly magnificent country. Expeditions for Canada were everywhere set afoot. Even Queen Elizabeth, of England, sent Frobisher on a voyage of discovery, but he only discovered a foreland and tons of mica, which he mistook for golden ore. Martin Frobisher was ruined. His was a ruinous speculation. Talc or mica did not pay the expense of a nine month's voyage with fifteen ships. But all that was then sought for is now found in Canada-and more. To obtain much gold, however, the settlement of a country is necessary. It is the wants of the settlers which extract gold from the ground for the benefit of the trader. The only occupiers of Canada, no farther back than two hundred years, were Indians. The Montagnais, the Hurons, the Algonquins, the Iroquois, the Outagomies, the Mohawks, the Senecas, the Sioux, the Blackfeet, and the Crowfeet red-faces, were the undisputed possessors of the soil. They held the mine, the lake, the river, the forest, and the township in free and common soccage. They were sometimes merchants and sometimes soldiers. They were all ready to trade with their white invaders, all p.r.o.ne to quarrel among themselves. The Iroquois and Hurons were ever at war with each other. When not smoking they were sure to be fighting.

The first white man who opened up the trade of the St. Lawrence was M. Pontgrave, of St. Malo. He made several voyages in search of furs to Tadousac, and the wealthy merchant was successful. With the aid of a Captain Chauvin, of the French navy, whom he induced to join him, Pontgrave attempted to establish a trading post at Tadousac. He was, however, unsuccessful. Chauvin died in 1603, leaving a stone house for his monument, then the only one in Canada.

It was now determined by the French government to form settlements in Canada. And the military mind of France attempted to carry into effect a plan not dissimilar to that recommended a few years ago by Major Carmychael Smyth, the making of a road to the Pacific through the wilderness by means of convicts. The plan, however, failed, though attempted by the Marquis De la Roche, who actually left on Sable Island forty convicts drawn from the French prisons. A company of merchants having been formed for the purpose of making settlements, Champlain accepted the command of an expedition, and accompanied by Pontgrave, sailed for the St. Lawrence in 1603. They arrived safely at Tadousac, and proceeded in open boats up the St. Lawrence; but did nothing. The effort at settlement was subsequently renewed. In 1608, Champlain, a second time, reached Stadacona or Quebec, on the 3rd July, and struck by the commanding position of Cape Diamond, selected the base of the promontory as the site of a town. He erected huts for shelter; established a magazine for stores and provisions; and formed barracks for the soldiery, not on the highest point of the headland, but on the site of the recently destroyed parliament buildings. There were then a few, and only a few, Indians in Stadacona, that Indian town being situated rather on the St. Charles than on the St. Lawrence. Few as they were, famine reduced them to the necessity of supplicating food from the strangers. The strangers themselves suffered much from scurvy, and after an exploration of the lake which yet bears the name of its discoverer, Champlain returned to France. Two years later the intrepid sailor set out for Tadousac and Quebec with artisans, laborers, and supplies for Nouvelle France, the name then given to Canada, or the Great "Pa.s.s" to China. He arrived at the mouth of the Saguenay on the 26th of April, after a remarkably short pa.s.sage of eighteen days. He found his first settlers contented and prosperous. They had cultivated the ground successfully, and were on good terms with the natives. Champlain, however, desirous of annexing more of the territory of the Indians, stirred them up to strife. He himself joined an hostile expedition of the Algonquins and Montagnais against the Iroquois. What success he met with is not now to be ascertained. Deficient in resources, he again returned to France, and found a partner able and willing to a.s.sist the Colony in the person of the Count de Soisson, who had been appointed Viceroy of the new country-a sinecure appointment which the Count did not long enjoy, inasmuch as death took possession of him shortly afterwards. The honorary office of Viceroy, which more resembled an English Colonial Secretaryship of the present day, than a viceroyalty, was, on the death of Soisson, conferred on the Prince de Conde, who sent Champlain from St. Malo for the Colonial Seat of Government, on the 6th March, 1613, as Deputy Governor. Champlain arrived at Quebec on the 7th of May. The infant colony was quiet and contented. Furs were easily obtained for clothing in winter, and in summer very little clothing of any kind was necessary. The chief business of the then colonial merchants was the collection of furs for exportation. There were, properly speaking, no merchants in the country, but only factors, and other servants of the home Fur Company. The country was no more independently peopled than the Hudson's Bay Territory now is. The actual presence of either governor or sub-governor was unnecessary. Champlain only made an official tour of inspection to Mount Royal, explored the Ottawa, and returned to France. He was dissatisfied with the appearance of affairs, and persuaded the Prince of Conde, his chief, to really settle the country. The prince consented. A new company was formed through his influence, and, with some Roman Catholic Missionaries, Champlain again sailed for Canada, arriving at Quebec early in April, 1615-a proof that the winters were not more intense when Canada was first settled than at present. Indeed the intense cold of Lower Canada, compared with other countries in the same lat.i.tude, is not so much attributable to the want of cultivation as to the height of the land, and the immense gully formed by the St. Lawrence, and the great lakes which receive the cold blasts of the mountainous region which const.i.tutes the Arctic highlands, and from which the rivers running to the northward into Hudson's Bay, and to the southward into the great lakes and the St. Lawrence, take their rise. The icy breath of the distant north and northwest sweeps down such rivers as the Ottawa, the St. Maurice, and the Saguenay, to be gathered into one vast channel, extending throughout Canada's whole extent. And, clear the forest as we may, Canada will always be the same cold, healthy country that it now is. Lower or rather Highland Canada, will be especially so, without, however, the general commercial prosperity of the country suffering much on that account. There are lowlands enough for a population far exceeding that now occupying the United States. But this is a digression. Champlain's Missionaries set themselves vigorously to the work of christianizing the heathen, while Champlain himself industriously began to fight them. He extended the olive branch from his left hand, and stabbed vigorously with a sword in his right hand. The Missionaries established churches, or rather the cross, from the head waters of the Saguenay to Lake Nep.i.s.sing. Champlain battled the Iroquois from Mont Royal to Nep.i.s.sing. Rather he would have done so. He did not find them until he reached, overland and in canoes, Lake Huron, the superior character of the land in that neighbourhood attracting his particular attention. He found his "enemy" entrenched by "four successive palisades of fallen trees," says Smith, "enclosing a piece of ground containing a pond, with every other requisite for Indian warfare"-a very Sebastopol, upon which Champlain discharged his fire-arms, driving the Iroquois back to their camp. The place was, however, impregnable, and the siege was reluctantly raised. The Algonquins would only fight as they pleased. They were sadly in want of a head. They would not use fire-arms, but "preferred firing their arrows against the strong wooden defences." Champlain was twice wounded in the leg, and his allies, making the non-arrival of reinforcements an excuse, retreated. Champlain insisted upon going home, but transport was wanting, and he was compelled to winter, as best he could, in a desolate region, with his discomfitted allies. In the following year he got away, and made haste down his Black Sea of Ontario, to his Golden Horn at Tadousac, from thence, on the 10th of Sept., 1616, returning to his native country to find his partner, the Prince of Conde, in disgrace and in confinement, for what the historian knows not. The Prince had possibly been playing Hudson, for we find that the Marshal de Themines was prevailed upon to accept the office, on condition of sharing the emoluments. But he too became involved in "controversy with the merchants," and after only two years presidency of the Company, resigned, when the Duke de Montmorenci obtained the Viceroyalty from Conde, for eleven thousand crowns. The Duke was Lord High Admiral of France, and Champlain was exceedingly glad. Another new colonizing company was formed. Seventy-seven artisans, farmers, physicians, or gentlemen, three friars, horses, cows, sheep, seed-corn, and arms were collected at Roch.e.l.le for exportation in 1619. But the laymen, partly Protestants and partly Roman Catholics, began to squabble about the immaculate conception, or something else, equally stupid and unimportant, until Champlain himself got into trouble and nearly lost his Deputy Governorship, and the expedition was delayed. In 1620, Champlain, however, set sail, and on his arrival at his capital, in July, was agreeably surprised to find that a missionary, named Duplessis, had got so far into the good graces of the Hurons, at Trois Rivieres, that he had discovered and frustrated a plan for the ma.s.sacre of the French colonists. At Tadousac affairs were not at all flattering. The colonists had neglected cultivation. Only sixty white people remained, ten of whom were religiously engaged in keeping school, or were engaged in keeping a religious school. At this period of time it is difficult to say which. Worse than this scurvily decimated condition of the people, was the intrusion of some unprincipled and unprivileged adventurers from Roch.e.l.le, who had been bartering fire-arms with the Indians for the Company's furs. Champlain was very wroth, but moderated his anger somewhat on ascertaining that an enfant du sol-a real French-Canadian baby was in the land of the living. Who was the father of the child or who the mother, is neither mentioned by Hennepin nor Charlevoix, and the office of Prothonotary, or Registrar of Births, Marriages, and Deaths had not been inst.i.tuted. It is not even in the chronicles that Champlain was at the christening, nor is the ceremony alluded to at all. This great, and most interesting event happened on some hour of some unmentioned day in the year 1621. It is possible the mother was of a distinguished Huron family. It is certain that the Hurons were about that time in close alliance with the French, for the Iroquois began to be jealous of the alliance between the Hurons, Algonquins, and the French, and declared war with the view of destroying the settlements. The Iroquois succeeded in burning some Huron villages, but were repulsed by the French both at the Sault St. Louis and at Quebec. Quebec was now a fortified town. There were wooden, but not very extensive, walls around the barracks and the huts. Champlain had, on the whole, great reason to be thankful. His power and authority seemed to be undisputed. He had seen the first of a new world generation, and the means of wealth were seemingly at his feet. But he met with disappointment. The a.s.sociation of merchants who had fitted out his expedition, and from whom he obtained his supplies, were suddenly deprived of all their privileges of trade and colonization, by Montmorenci. The Duke, determined on doing as he pleased with his own, transferred the supremacy of the colonists to the Sieurs de Caen, uncle and nephew. The one de Caen was a merchant, the other a sailor. The sailor was soon at Tadousac. Before Champlain had well known, by a letter of thanks for past services, that he was re-called, or rather superseded, his successor had arrived at the head quarters of Nouvelle France-Tadousac. De Caen solicited an interview with Champlain, which was conceded. Smarting with indignation, Champlain was too polite. His courtesy was so excessive, that De Caen became exacting as if to show who he was. He wanted to seize all Champlain's trading vessels. They belonged, he said, to a company whose privileges had been transferred to him as the representative of another company. The furs with which they were laden belonged to Montmorenci and the De Caens, as his Grace's agents. Champlain demurred, and Captain De Caen peremptorily demanded Du Pont's vessel. Champlain, no longer courteous, flew into a violent pa.s.sion. Du Pont was the favourite agent of his company, and his own particular friend. Champlain's rage was of no avail. Nor was the sympathy of the colonists of any value. De Caen was supreme, and did as he pleased. The colonists, however, excessively indignant, resolved to leave in a body, unless their opinions were allowed some weight, and a number did take their departure. Although De Caen had brought eighteen new settlers, the colony was reduced to only forty-eight. Champlain, however, remained in Canada. He felt himself to be the chief colonist, and only removed to Quebec, where he erected a stone fort. The fort was partly on that part of the present city on which the old Church of Notre Dame stands, in the Lower Town, and partly where the former Palace of the Roman Catholic Archbishop stood. Champlain pitched his tent outside the walls, which were almost rectangular, under the shadow of a tree, which, until six years ago, threw its leafy arms over St. Anne Street, from the Anglican Cathedral Church yard. While this fort-building, vessel seizing, and unchristian feeling were rending the infant colony to pieces, interfering with trade, and proving vexatious to all, a union had been formed in France between the old and new companies. The coalition was not productive of good. There was so little cordiality and so much contention between the parties, that Montmorenci threw up his viceroyalty in disgust, that is to say, he sold out to the Duke de Ventadour. Ventadour was in a world of difficulties. France was then half Protestant and half Catholic. Ventadour's chief object in purchasing Canada was to diffuse the Catholic Religion throughout the new world. With much energy of character, he was singularly pious. He attended ma.s.s regularly at an early hour every morning. His bedroom was religiously fitted up; the symbol of redemption hung constantly over the head of his bed. He was no bigot. He was thoroughly in earnest. He was only not wise. The man who had caused Champlain so much annoyance was himself a Huguenot, and not that only,-to the Duke's mortification, he had taken to Canada chiefly Protestants, and had even caused the Roman Catholic emigrants to attend Protestant worship on shipboard. Two thirds of the crews of his ships were Protestants. They sang psalms on the St. Lawrence. The new viceroy was much annoyed on ascertaining that De Caen had permitted such a state of things. The exercise of the Protestant religion, he had given orders, should be barely tolerated, and he had been disobeyed. Champlain did not trouble himself about religious squabbles. He made himself difficulties with the Indians, leaving religious dissensions to be made by his would be superior. Amid all these difficulties the fur trade languished, and the celebrated Cardinal Richelieu, who knew the advantages to be derived from Ventadour's pious missionary effort, revoked the privileges of De Caen's new company, and established a newer company called the Hundred a.s.sociates. The a.s.sociates were not only to colonize, but they were amply to supply necessaries to the colonists. They were to send out a large number of clergymen. Those clergymen were to create churches and erect parsonages. They were to be supported by the a.s.sociates for fifteen years. They were to have glebes, or reserved lands, a.s.signed to them for their sufficient support. At a blow the wily cardinal had extinguished psalm singing on the St. Lawrence for at least a century. In 1627 the Hundred a.s.sociates were formed. But plans cannot be always carried into effect as soon as determined upon. War was proclaimed by England against France in the following year, 1628. The weakest and the meanest of English kings had caused the Puritans, previously persecuted by Elizabeth, to leave their country. The Puritans, in November, 1607, had settled in New England. The year in which the first Franco-Canadian saw the light of day, Governor Carver, of Plymouth Colony, had entered into a league of friendship, commerce, and mutual defence with Ma.s.sa.s.soit, the great Sachem of the neighbouring Indians. Some years previously (1619) the Colony of Virginia had received her first Governor General from England, who had instructions to convoke a general legislature. With all his impotent stammering, s...o...b..ring, weeping, buffoonery, and pedagoguism, James had an indistinct idea that it was as necessary to hear the voice of the people as the voice of the king. He chose rather to direct than to suppress the expression of opinion. But the Governor General of Virginia was appointed by the London Company, whose privileges were taken away by James on the year preceding his death, which occurred in March, 1625, after the company had expended 100,000 in the first attempt to colonize America. James appointed a viceroy or governor and directed him how to govern. New France, at the breaking out of such a war, had something to dread from New England, so much further advanced in colonization. Cardinal Richelieu's plan of Canadian settlement was roughly interfered with, by the capture of his first emigrant ships by Sir David Kerk, who afterwards proceeded to Tadousac, burned the village, and proceeded to Quebec to summon Champlain to surrender. The brave Frenchman refused and Kerk retreated. But Kerk came back again. He again appeared before the walls of Fort Quebec, and summoned it to surrender. Reduced to great distress by famine, Champlain surrendered, and the whole settlement was taken captive to England. With the exception of a few houses, a barrack, and a fort at Quebec, and a few huts at Tadousac, Trois Rivieres, and Mont Royal, Canada was again as much a wilderness as it ever had been since the Asiatics had stepped across Behring's Straits to replenish the western hemisphere. The great curiosity, the first Franco-Canadian baby, now eight years old, was doubtless carried to the tower, and caged as a curiosity, near the other lions and tigers of London. It was not until the restoration of peace in 1633, that Champlain was reappointed Governor of Canada, which, by the treaty of 1632, was surrendered back to France, on the supposition that it was almost worthless. This time colonization was systematically undertaken by the Jesuits, who only arrived in Canada in time to supply the loss of Champlain, a man of exemplary perseverance, of ambitious views, and of wonderful administrative capacity, for a layman of that day, who died in December, 1635. The foundation of a seminary was laid at Quebec. Monks, Priests, and Nuns were sent out from France. The Church was to settle in the wilderness to be encircled by the G.o.dly. If Admiral Kerk had carried off a settlement, Mother Church was to produce other settlements. A new governor was named-Montmagny. Business, however, began to languish. The Indians became exceedingly troublesome. And the Iroquois had subdued the Algonquins, and had nearly vanquished the Hurons. To defend the settlement from these fierce warriors, Montmagny built a fort at Sorel, at the mouth of the Richelieu, down which river the savage enemy usually came. The construction of the fort had the desired effect. Peace with the Indians soon followed, and the colony became happy and contented. The effect of Jesuitical tact and judgment soon began to exhibit itself. An Ursuline Nunnery and a Seminary were established at Quebec, through the instrumentality of the d.u.c.h.ess d'Aiguillon. The religious order of St. Sulpice, at the head of which was the Abbe Olivier, proposed to the King of France to establish a new colony and a seminary at Mont Royal, bearing the name of the order and composed of its members. The proposal was entertained, and the Island of Montreal conceded to the religionists for their support. The Sieur Maisonneuve-a name admirably chosen-was placed at the head of the faithful emigrants, and invested with its government. The third regular governor of Canada was M. d'Aillebout. He succeeded Montmagny, whose term of office had expired. On the death of Champlain, no Governor of Canada was to hold the reins of government longer than three years. D'Aillebout was an exceedingly able man. He was firm, and, on the whole, just. He was left entirely to himself in the management of affairs, and he left the conversion of the Indians to peace and Christianity, to the missionaries, who labored well and earnestly, establishing the Hurons, and even the Iroquois, in villages. The latter, who were never to be trusted, only feigned semi-civilization, and unexpectedly renewing the war, they fell upon their old enemies, the Hurons, with diabolical fury. In the Indian village of Sillery, while a missionary was celebrating ma.s.s in the Catholic Church, and none but old men, women, and children were present, a terrible and foul ma.s.sacre occurred. The Iroquois rushed into the chapel with tomahawk and scalping knife, murdering all the congregation, nor stayed their hands until upwards of four hundred families, being every soul in the village, were slain. About this time our friends south of the line 45, first began to dream of the annexation of Canada. An envoy from New England visited Quebec, and proposed to the French governor the establishment of a peace between the two colonies of New France and New England, which was not to be broken even should the parent states go to war. Governor Montmagny consented, on condition that the Iroquois were to be put down. He was so willing that he sent an envoy to Boston to ratify a treaty. But the New Englanders would not quarrel with the Iroquois, and no treaty was effected. A more hopeful international commercial alliance, of which the Boston Jubilee of 1851 was indicative, has lately been entertained. Compared to the Iroquois, or even the Algonquins, the Huron tribe of Indians were mild in disposition and peaceably disposed. The French missionaries obtained a powerful hold over them. Great numbers became christianized, and even, to some extent, civilized. Descendants of Nimrod though they were, their wandering habits were partially subdued, and very many began to cultivate the ground. As if there was something in the climate of Quebec to produce such an effect, they were naturally inclined to be supremely tranquil. And notwithstanding the recent horrible ma.s.sacre they soon sank back into their ordinary state of lethargy. They were fearfully aroused from their lethargy, however, by another series of attacks on the part of the Iroquois. The latter ferocious red men made a descent upon the village of St. Ignace, killing and capturing all the Hurons there. They next attacked St. Louis, and though some women and children managed to escape, both missionaries and Hurons were carried off for the torture. The Huron nation, terribly damaged, seemed to be at the mercy of their more savage enemies. They scattered in every direction. Their settlements were altogether abandoned. Some sought refuge with the Ottawas, some with the Eries, and not a few attached themselves to missionaries, who formed them into settlements on the Island of St. Joseph, in Lake Ontario. Unable, however, to find sufficient subsistence on the island, they were compelled to form villages on the main land, where they were again slaughtered by the Iroquois. So inferior had they become, physically and intellectually, if not numerically, to the Iroquois, that they resolved to put themselves altogether under French protection. This protection the missionaries procured for them, and a new settlement was formed at Sillery. The Iroquois now did what they pleased. They were in full possession of the whole country. The French were literally confined to Quebec, Three Rivers, and Montreal. But that which neither French nor Hurons could do by force, they were made to do themselves. They were destroyed in hundreds by rum. The French appealed to their appet.i.tes. Iroquois independence was broken in upon by a mere artifice of taste. Furs were now bought, not with pieces of tin and strings of beads, but with plugs of tobacco and bottles of spirits. Intoxication had its ordinary effect. It caused these naturally hot-blooded, quarrelsome, freemen to butcher each other, and it made them the slaves of the fur trader, whose exertions increased as the favorite narcotic lessened the exertions and weakened the energies of the hunter. So injurious was the effect of the "fire water," and so obvious was the injury to the Indians themselves, that the Chief of the domesticated Indians pet.i.tioned the Governor, their great Father, to imprison all drunkards. Whether or no D'Aillebout granted the request is not recorded. Probably it was not then granted. Among the Edits, Ordonnances Royaux, declarations, et arrets du Counsel d'etat Roi concernant le Canada, nothing concerning Indian intoxication is to be found. D'Aillebout ceased not long afterwards to be governor. In 1650 he was succeeded by Monsieur de Lauzon. So hostile, however, had the feelings of the Iroquois now become, that M. de Lauzon returned to France for a detachment of soldiers. He brought out 100 men in 1653. Then the Iroquois were disposed for peace. They begged for it. Might is right. The power of the new Governor was acknowledged by the Iroquois. One hundred muskets was a powerful argument against even 6,000 bows and arrows. Frenchmen were sent among them. An Iroquois Roman Catholic Church was founded. For two years all was tolerably quiet, but at the end of that time the spirit of insubordination was so great that the French, antic.i.p.ating ma.s.sacre, made a moon-light flitting to Quebec.

M. Lauzon was superseded as Governor of Canada, in 1658, by the Viscompte d'Argenson. On the very morning of his arrival a large party of Algonquins were menaced under the very guns of Quebec by the Iroquois, who were driven off, but not captured, by a posse of French troops. In the following year Monseigneur l'Eveque de Petree, arrived at Quebec, to preside over the Catholic Church. Francois de Petree, a shrewd, energetic, learned prelate, was not, however, appointed to the See of Quebec, by "Notre Saint Pere le Pape Clement X," as he himself tells us, until the 1st October, 1664. In 1663 he established the Seminary of Quebec, and united it with that of the du Bac, in Paris, in 1676. The education of young men for the ministry seemed to be his great object. Trade would develop itself in time. The country could not fail to become great with so much deep water flowing through it. But religion must be provided for, and the Catholic, the most consistent, if not the most enlightened, of any system of Christianity existing, was his religion, and he paved the way for its extension. Four hundred more soldiers had been added to the garrison before Francois de Laval was even Bishop of Quebec, and they accompanied de Monts, as the Guards did Lord Durham, who was also sent out to enquire into the condition of Canada. In de Mont's time, Canada must have been in a very extraordinary state. In 1668, an edict of the king prohibited swearing and blasphemy. The king ruled that officers of the army had no acknowledged rank in the Church. And in 1670, an arret du Conseil encouraged "les marriages des garcons et des filles du Canada."

One of the most remarkable earthquakes of which we have read occurred in Canada, soon after the arrival of the Bishop of Petrea. It happened, too, in winter. On the 5th of February, 1663, at half-past five o'clock in the evening, the earth began to heave so violently, that people rushed in terror into the streets, only to be terrified the more. The roofs of the buildings bent down, first on one side, then on the other. The walls reeled backward and forward, the stones moving as if they were detached from each other. The church bells rang. Wild and domestic animals were flying in every direction. Fountains were thrown up. Mountains were split in twain. Rivers changed their beds or were totally lost. Huge capes or promontories tumbled into the St. Lawrence and became islands. The convulsion lasted for six months, or from February to August, in paroxysms of half an hour each, and although it extended over a range of country, 600 miles in length by 300 in breadth, not a single human being was destroyed. Beyond question this earthquake altered entirely the features of the country from Montreal to the sea; but, that it did not produce that rent, as some will have it, through which the Saguenay flows, is evident from the fact that the Saguenay existed on Cartier's first visit. It did not even produce those numerous islands with which the Lower St. Lawrence is studded, for some of them are also mentioned by the same daring and skilful navigator. But for the sake of science it is to be regretted that the particular rivers, whose beds were changed or which were entirely obliterated, have not been mentioned. The greater depth of the Saguenay than the St. Lawrence is easily accounted for by the greater height of the banks of the one river than of the other. In the St. Lawrence a large body of water finds an outlet through a chain of mountains forming the banks of a river which is the outlet of a series of lakes or inland seas, in which the rains or snows of a great part of North America are collected, as the Caspian, the Sea of Azof, and the Euxine are the rain basins of Europe and of Asia, and which spreads its waters over breadths of land, great or small, as its sh.o.r.es are steep or otherwise. If Canada is high above the ocean, and on that, as well as on other accounts, intensely cold in winter, it is some consolation to know that that lat.i.tude, which is in some sense to be regretted, has produced a river and lake navigation for sea-going ships of upwards of a thousand miles, more valuable than ten thousands of miles of prairie-land. A prairie country might have produced a Mississippi filled with snags, but only a mountainous country could produce such rivers for navigation as the Saguenay and St. Lawrence, and such rivers for manufacturing purposes as the St. Maurice and the Ottawa. But Canada is not all mountainous. There are vast steppes, extensive plains, through which numerous streams roll sluggishly into the great lakes. There are tracts of country of extraordinary extent capable of producing the heaviest crops. There are garden lands around most of the western cities, on which these cities of yesterday subsist and have arisen. And even in Lower Canada there are straths of wonderful fertility. Canada, with any government which will permit trade, cannot fail to become pecuniarily rich, even with the drawback of the towns of Lower Canada being rendered inland for half the year by means of ice. Lower Canada has been crippled by the policy of Cardinal Richelieu, who, by that policy, paradoxical as it may appear, was her first benefactor. A theocratic government, no doubt excellent for the taming of Indians, is not by any means well adapted for an intelligent people. So long as the trade of Canada was confined to furs the Jesuitical policy of Richelieu was advantageous, but now that the Indians are nearly exterminated-two millions of acres under cultivation-millions of feet of pine, birch, oak and other timber used or exported annually-and manufactures abounding-a somewhat more self reliant spirit is requisite than the establishment of Churches under the extraordinary control of a single mitred head will permit. Such a spirit is being gradually aroused, and the more gradual the more permanent will it be. Violence begets violence. Example is more persuasive than force.

De Monts, or rather de Lauzon, was succeeded by the Baron D'Avaugour, the last of the Fur Governors, a weak, stupid man, who had almost by his imbecility and vacillation suffered the business of his employers to be extinguished. The Iroquois most vigorously waged war during his time upon every other tribe of Indians. They altogether exterminated the Eries, and in their very wickedness, did good in rendering their country more susceptible to colonization by Europeans. D'Avaugour was recalled. The Hundred a.s.sociates resigned their charter into the hands of the French king, who transferred the company's privileges to the West India Company. M. de Mesy was appointed governor by the Crown, and for a council of advice he had a Vicar Apostolic and five others, one of whom was a kind of Inspector General, and another a Receiver General. To this Governor and Council the power of establishing Courts of Justice, at Three Rivers and Montreal, was confided. Courts of Law were established soon after De Mesy's arrival, and four hundred soldiers were obtained from France to enable His Excellency to cause the law to be respected. De Mesy, of a proud and unbending temper, quarrelled with his Council, sneered at the settlers, and governed with a rod of iron. He cared neither for Vicar Apostolic, nor for Finance Ministers. Nay, he went so far, after quarrelling with the Jesuits, as to send two members of the Company to France, a mistake for which he paid the penalty by being himself recalled. De Mesy was succeeded by the Marquis de Tracy and was the second Chief Crown Governor, or Viceroy. He was not fettered with a Council of Advice, but he was more absurdly hampered with almost co-equals in the shape of a.s.sistants. The Seigneur de Courcelles was appointed Governor of the Colony, and Mon. De Talon, Intendant. De Tracy brought with him as settlers the then newly disbanded regiment of Carignan-Sallieres, which had returned from fighting, not for the Turks in Hungary, but against them. They had been extraordinarily successful. And France had acquired great influence by her successful efforts to stay Mahometan encroachment. The Turks were then the oppressors not the oppressed. But France then, as now, was playing the balance of power game. The men of the Carignan-Sallieres Regiment were admirably adapted for settlement in a country in which constant fighting was being carried on. They were to have a deep interest in subduing the Iroquois. They were some protection against the Round-Heads of Ma.s.sachusetts. Sixteen hundred and sixty-five other settlers, including many artisans, accompanied them. Cattle, sheep, and horses were for the first time sent to Canada. More priests were sent out, for whom the West India Company were, by their charter, bound to provide churches and houses. The most Christian king had determined upon at least christianizing the country, and upon so retaining it. Without priests and churches the Hungarian Heroes would have been of as little value to France as the cattle, sheep, and horses which accompanied them to Canada. It was a condition of the West India Company's Charter that priests were to be carried out, and parsonages and churches erected. Like most companies chartered for similar purposes, the stock of this company was transferable, but only the revenue, or profits of the revenue could be attached for the debts of the stockholders. The company had a monopoly of the territory, and the trade of the Colony for forty years. Nor was this all. His most Christian Majesty conferred a bounty of thirty livres on every ton of goods imported to France, a kind of protection similar to that still extended by the French government to the Newfoundland fisheries. The company had the right to all mines and minerals-had the power of levying and recruiting soldiers in France-had the power of manufacturing arms and ammunition-had the power of building forts in Canada-and had the power of declaring and carrying on war against the American Indians, or, in case of insult, the Colonial Englishmen of New England, or the Manhattanese Dutch. Justice was to be administered according to the Custom of Paris. All Colonists of, and converts to the Roman Catholic faith, had the same rights in France as Frenchmen born and resident in France had. And for four years the king himself agreed to advance a tenth of the whole stock of the company, without interest, and to bear a corresponding proportion of any loss which the company, in the course of four years, might sustain. These were certainly liberal and prudent privileges, but more ultimate good, or in other words, good would have been sooner realized had the conditions been less liberal and less prudent. These conditions were of too liberal a nature to cause any desire for change to be entertained for a great length of time, and the consequence is that even now Lower Canada is governed according to the "Cotume de Paris," and cultivated as France was cultivated two hundred years back. A year after the Marquis' arrival, the Council of State granted to the Canadian Company the trade in furs on payment of a subsidy of one fourth of all beaver skins, and of one tenth of all Buffalo skins. The trade of Tadousac was excepted. Fort building and church building went on vigorously. The fur trade was easily attended to. Three forts were erected at the mouth of the Richelieu-Sorel. The Indians made sorties repeatedly down this river, always doing much mischief, and the forts were intended to prevent the mischief. But the Iroquois were not to be foiled. They found means to reach the settlements by other roads. Nor was De Tracy to be annoyed. He sent out war parties who did not, however, effect much. The Viceroy, an old man of some seventy summers, took the field himself. With the view of exterminating the Indians, he set out on the 14th Sept., 1666, with a considerable force consisting of regular troops, militia, and friendly Indians. Unfortunately the Commissariat Department was badly conducted, and the exterminating force were nearly themselves exterminated by starvation. They had to pa.s.s through a large tract of forest land to meet their foes, and they frequently lost their way. The haversack was soon emptied, and the starving army was only too happy to breakfast, dine, and sup on chestnuts gathered in the bush, until some Indian settlements were reached. They came upon almost a forest of chestnut-trees, and fell upon them like locusts. They ate and filled their haversacks, and it was well that they did so, for the Iroquois had adopted the Russian expedient of abandoning their villages, and suffering the enemy to march through a country altogether wanting in the bare necessaries of life. M. De Tracy marched and countermarched without effecting anything beyond capturing some old men, and one or two women with their children. Luckily he fell in with supplies of corn in one of the abandoned settlements which he took possession of for the benefit of his army. Still more luckily he got to Quebec again safely, but so thoroughly disgusted with the state of affairs, that he resigned his government into De Courcelle's hands, and returned to France. De Courcelle was a man of some address. He cajoled the Iroquois and prevented war. He was the founder, but not the builder of Fort Cataraqui or Kingston, on Lake Ontario. He settled Hurons at Michillimacinac. Both fort and settlement were intended to benefit the fur trade. The new settlement was in fact a new hunting ground, and the new fort was for the protection of the hunters. De Courcelle visited personally Cataraqui. He was dragged up the Lachine, the Cedars, and other rapids of the St. Lawrence, in an open boat, but suffered from moisture and exposure to such an extent that, on returning to Montreal, he solicited his recall to France, and was recalled accordingly.

In 1669, the Indians encountered, in the shape of smallpox, a more terrible foe than the musket, the sword, the arrow, or the "firewater." Whole tribes were exterminated by this loathsome disease, which appears not to have been imported, inasmuch as the most distant and least civilized tribes were first attacked and most severely suffered. The Atlikamegues were completely exterminated. Tadousac and Trois Rivieres were abandoned by all the Indians. Fifteen hundred Hurons died at Sillery, and yet the Huron suffered less than any other nation. The remnant of the tribe was collected by Father Chamounat, who established them at Lorette, where some half-breeds are yet to be found.

The Count de Frontenac was the third Viceroy of Canada. He succeeded De Courcelle in 1692, and soon after his arrival erected the fort which his predecessor had decided upon erecting at Cataraqui, giving it his own name-a name which still distinguishes the County, the chief town in which Kingston or Catarqui is. De Frontenac was a man of astonishing energy. His self will and self esteem were only compensated for by ability and a spirit of independence and honesty. It was not to be supposed that such a man could long submit to the whims of his co-equals, as far as governing was concerned. Nor did he. The triumvirate-the Viceroy, the Bishop, and the Intendant-each with an equal vote, were soon at loggerheads. Chesnau, the Intendant, without Frontenac's ability, had all his bad qualities. The Intendant and Viceroy were soon violently opposed to each other, and to make matters worse, the Bishop, supported by his clergy, was annoyed with both. The Bishop considered the sale of spirits to the Indians abominable; De Frontenac thought it profitable; and Chesnau did not think at all. An appeal was made by the clergy to the home government, and both De Frontenac and Chesnau were re-called with censure, and the profitable sale of spirits to the Indians was prohibited by a royal edict. De Frontenac ruled Canada for ten years, and during his administration La Salle discovered the mouths of the Mississippi. Only the year after De Frontenac's arrival in Canada, the Indians reported that there was a large river flowing out to the Atlantic, to the southwest of the colony, and the Reverend Messire Marquette[2] and a merchant of Quebec, were sent on an exploring expedition. Starting in two canoes, with only a crew of six men for both, they found themselves, after an exceedingly tedious voyage, on the Mississippi, and, rejoicing at their success, returned back immediately to report progress. At Chicago, Marquette separated from his companion. In that Indian village of Lake Michigan, now a populous commercial town, the missionary remained with the Miami Indians, while Jollyet went back to Quebec for further instructions. Of course Jollyet was highly communicative at Quebec. The mult.i.tude could not travel by steam in those days from Gaspe to Lake Michigan. It was no easy matter at that period to paddle over those great seas, the inland lakes, in a birch-bark canoe. Jollyet had much to boast of and might, without chance of detection, boast of more than either his experience or a strict adherence to truth could warrant. Jollyet was a curiosity. Jollyet was the lion of Quebec, and he was toasted and boasted accordingly. The Sieur La Salle was in Quebec when Jollyet returned. He heard of the merchant's adventures with deep interest. La Salle, a young man of good family, and of sufficient fortune, had emigrated to Canada in search of fame, and with the further view of increasing his pecuniary resources. He expected, like Cabot and some others, to find a pa.s.sage through Canada, by water, to China, imagining that the Missouri emptied itself into the north Pacific. The narrative of Jollyet made La Salle more sanguinely credulous, that he had the "way" before him. First he gained the sanction of the governor to explore the course of that river, and then he returned to France for support in his enterprise. So plausible a story did he relate, that means were soon forthcoming. The Prince of Conti most liberally entered into La Salle's views, and a.s.sisted him to prepare an expedition. The Chevalier de Tonti, an army officer, with one arm, joined him, and on the 14th July, 1678, De La Salle, and De Tonti sailed for Quebec from France, with thirty men. It was two months before they reached Quebec; but no sooner did they arrive than they hastened to the great lakes, accompanied by Father Hennepin. Father Hennepin was the historian of the voyage. He tells a wonderfully interesting story. La Salle built a vessel of 60 tons, and carrying 7 guns, above the Falls of Niagara, having laid the keel in July, 1679. There are always difficulties attending new enterprises, and La Salle's shipbuilding operations were frequently and annoyingly interfered with. The carpenter was an Italian, named Tuti, and he occupied seven months in building the craft. One day, an Indian, pretending to be drunk, attempted to stab the blacksmith, but that worthy son of Vulcan, like Bailie Nicol Jarvie, successfully defended himself with a red hot bar of iron. Again the savages tried to burn the ship, but were prevented by a woman. A squaw gave La Salle's people warning of the Indian's intention. Alarms were frequent, and only for Father Hennepin's exhortations, shipbuilding would have been abandoned to a later period, on the lake. But carpenter Tuti persevered, and amid enthusiastic cheering, the chanting of a Te Deum, and the firing of guns, she was safely launched. The "Cataraqui" was square rigged. She was a kind of brigantine, not unlike a Dutch galliot of the present day, with a broad elevated bow and a broad elevated stern. Very flat in the bottom, she looked much larger than she really was, and when her "great" guns were fired off, the Indians stared marvellously at the floating fort. With the aid of tow-lines and sails the Niagara River was with difficulty ascended, and on the 7th of August, 1679, the first vessel that ever sat upon the lakes entered Lake Erie. The day was beautifully calm, and the explorers chanted Te Deums, and fired off guns, to the no small consternation, perhaps amus.e.m.e.nt, of the Senecas. In four days they sailed through the lake, and entering the River Detroit they sailed up it to Lake St. Clair, and in twelve days more Lake Huron was entered. In that lake storms and calms were alternately encountered. On one occasion the wind blew so strongly, that La Salle's man of war was driven across to Saginaw Bay. But worse weather was yet in store for La Salle. A tempest swept over the lake, and topmasts and yards were let go by the run. There was neither anchorage nor shelter, and La Salle and all his crew, now terribly frightened, prayed and prepared for death. Only the pilot swore. He anathematized the fresh water. It was bad enough to perish in the open ocean, but something terrible to be drowned in a nasty fresh water lake, to be devoured, perhaps, by an ichthyosaurus. Prayers and curses seemingly had produced the desired effect; indeed, the pilot's anathematizing was prayer; but such prayer is not by any means to be recommended. It would be as well to curse as only to pray when fear is excited. Prayer, doubtless, often is, but never ought to be, the effect of fear. Prayer should be the holy offering up of reasonable desires to the Creator, and in times of danger there should be confidence in the Creator as all powerful, and in ourselves as the instruments of the Creator. However, favored with less adverse winds, the exploring expedition reached Michillimacinac, and anch.o.r.ed in 60 fathoms, living on delicious trout, white fish, and sturgeon. From thence entering Lake Michigan, they proceeded to an Island at the mouth of Green Bay, where La Salle loaded his ship with furs and sent her back to Niagara. The cargo was rich. It was valued at 50,000 livres. The blaspheming pilot and five men were sent off with the vessel, but whether the craft foundered in Lake Huron or was piratically visited by the Indians, she was no more heard of. Two years elapsed before La Salle or Father Hennepin learned the fate of the "Cataraqui" and her blasphemous pilot. They perseveringly pushed their way down the Mississippi and reached the Atlantic, thus discovering the mouths of a stream which has been a great source of wealth to our enterprising neighbours. In two years he turned his steps to Quebec, and going home to France was appointed Governor of the territory he had discovered. He was the first Governor of Louisiana, a territory ceded by Napoleon I. to the United States, in 1803. The unlucky Governor was not destined to reach his government. La Salle, in command of four ships, with settlers, sailed from Roch.e.l.le, on the 24th of July, 1689. He was ignorant of the exact geographical situation of the mouths of the Mississippi, but pa.s.sing through the Antilles, reached Florida, where he was murdered by his own people-a melancholy and lamentable fate for one of whom all Frenchmen may justly boast. Canada now numbered 8,000 souls, including converted Indians; and French America extended from Newfoundland, and Nova Scotia through the St. Lawrence and the great lakes to the Pacific, and from the great lakes again to the ocean through the Mississippi, all the westward of even that stream being French soil. Yet it was only nominally so. The Indians were virtually the owners of the soil, those spots on which forts or trading posts had been erected or established, only excepted.

M. De La Barre now (1682) succeeded Frontenac as Viceroy. The new Governor was of a restless and overbearing disposition. He required, or supposed that he required, a strong government. He certainly needed an able one. The idea of drawing off the trade of the St. Lawrence had first occurred to the English colonists on the Hudson. The Iroquois preferred trading with the "down south" English to trading with the French. Their furs were chiefly carried down the Hudson, to the no small annoyance of the French exporter. De La Barre had no idea of tolerating such a mode of doing business. The furs of Canada were French furs. The Indians were merely hunters for the French, and had no right whatever to dispose of their goods in the dearest market, and buy their necessaries in the cheapest market. De La Barre, weakened though he was in the number of his troops, many men having converted their swords into ploughshares, and their guns into reaping hooks, resolved upon punishing the free-trading children of the woods. He obtained two hundred additional soldiers from France, and proceeded up the St. Lawrence on his labor of love. The Indians only laughed at him. They thought he was in a dream when he pompously required them not to war upon each other, or permit the English to come among them. His troops were sick and starving, and were at the mercy rather of the Indians than the Indians at their mercy. M. De La Barre was compelled to withdraw his troops. The bl.u.s.tering, pompous, mischief-loving De La Barre was recalled by his government, for incompetency, and in 1685 was succeeded by Denonville.

The Marquis Denonville was only more cunning than his predecessor, and perhaps more decided. No sooner had he set foot in the colony, than, with the a.s.sistance of the missionaries, he persuaded the Iroquois chiefs to meet him on the banks of Lake Ontario. Denonville and the Indians did meet, and no sooner had they met, than Denonville treacherously caused a number of them to be seized and put in irons, to be sent as prisoners to the King of France, for service in his gallies. Denonville erected a fort at Niagara, became more violent and overbearing to the Indians, treated the remonstrances of the English of New York, concerning the erection of Fort Niagara, with contempt, and at last brought upon himself, as the arrogant generally do, defeat and disgrace. This fort, to which the North West Fur Company of Quebec had offered to contribute 30,000 livres annually, in consideration of a monopoly of the fur trade, was destroyed by the Iroquois, who followed the now retreating French to Cataraqui, made themselves masters of the whole country west of Montreal, and, to crown all, appeared before that city with proposals of peace. Denonville was required to restore the chiefs who had been sent to France, and he was either in a position not to resist, or wished to gain time. He consented to negotiate. The Hurons, his allies, were not now so peaceably disposed. For the first time, they seem to have evinced a warlike spirit. They attacked the deputies, and insinuated to their prisoners that the French Governor had instigated them to do so. The prisoners were allowed to depart; a large party of the Five Nations heard their tale, descended upon Montreal, carried off two hundred of the inhabitants, and retired unmolested. The fort at Cataraqui was blown up, and for a time of course abandoned. Thus, in 1686, French Canada was again virtually reduced to Montreal, Three Rivers, Quebec, and Tadousac.

It was in 1689 that the Count de Frontenac returned to Canada a second time, as Viceroy, to succeed the incompetent Denonville. He took out the captured chiefs, and attempted to conciliate the Iroquois. But the Indians had been too frequently deceived by his immediate predecessors. They would have nothing to do with him, unless he restored, without stipulation, their captured chiefs. De Frontenac complied. He complied the more readily because he feared an alliance between the Ottawas and the Iroquois. The Ottawas were quite indifferent to French friendship, because the gain, in their estimation, was altogether in favor of the French, whose protectors the Ottawas considered themselves to be. So far from provocation being now given to the Ind