[464] _I.e._, court of the universe. Name of one of Ishtar's temples.

CHAPTER XVIII.

PENITENTIAL PSALMS.

It will be recalled that both in the Ishtar hymn and in the one to Marduk above quoted, great stress is laid upon pacifying the deity addressed. Starting from the primitive conception that misfortunes were a manifestation of divine anger, the Babylonians never abandoned the belief that transgressions could be atoned for only by appeasing the anger of the deity. But within this limitation, an ethical spirit was developed among the Babylonians that surprises us by its loftiness and comparative purity. Instead of having recourse merely to incantation formulas, the person smitten with disease or pursued by ill fortune would turn in prayer to some G.o.d at whose instigation the evil has come and appeal for the pacification of the divine wrath. But while the origin of the so-called penitential psalms is thus closely bound up with the same order of thought that gave rise to the incantation texts, no less significant is the divorce between the two cla.s.ses of compositions that begins already at an early stage of the literary period. The incantations, it is true, may be combined with compositions that belong to a higher order of religious thought. We have seen that they have been so combined, and yet the dividing line between the two is also sharply marked. Zimmern, to whom, more than to any one else, the interpretation of these penitential psalms is due, has suggested[465] that national misfortunes rather than private grievances may have given an impetus to this cla.s.s of literary productions. It is true that historical references are found in some of the hymns, and it is also significant that not only do these psalms occasionally embody a prayer for the king,--thus giving to them a national rather than a personal character,--but the kings are called upon in times of distress to accompany their libations to the G.o.ds with the recitation of a 'lament to quiet the heart,'[466] as the Babylonians called this cla.s.s of hymns.

One can easily see how such events as defeat in war would be ascribed to divine wrath, and not to the workings of evil spirits or witches; and while the personal tone that pervades most of the penitential psalms makes them applicable to conditions affecting the individual as well as the nation, the peculiar fitness of such psalms for occasions of national importance was a powerful factor in bringing about their sharp separation from the incantation formulas.

Just as in the hymns we found that the mere contemplation of the attributes of the G.o.ds, apart from the manifestation of these attributes in any particular instance, led to a loftier interpretation of the relationship existing between the G.o.ds and mankind, so the thought that evil was due in the last instance to the anger of some G.o.d led to greater emphasis being laid upon this relationship. The anger of the G.o.d prompted both the individual and the nation to greater zeal in securing the deity's love. To an even greater extent than in the hymns is the element of love introduced into the penitential psalms, and when not directly expressed, is so clearly implied as to form the necessary complement to the conception of the divine wrath. These psalms indeed show the religious and ethical thought of Babylonia at its best. Their ethical phase manifests itself more particularly in the conception of sin which is unfolded in them. The misfortunes of life, more especially those which could not so readily be ascribed to the presence of evil spirits, filled the individual with his sense of guilt. In some way, known or unknown to him, he must have offended the deity. The thought whether the deity was justified in exercising his wrath did not trouble him any more than the investigation of the question whether the punishment was meted out in accordance with the extent of the wrong committed. It was not necessary for the deity to be just; it was sufficient that some G.o.d felt himself to be offended, whether through the omission of certain rights or through an error in the performance of rites or what not. The two facts which presented themselves with overpowering force to the penitent were the anger of the deity and the necessity of appeasing that anger. Beyond this conclusion the Babylonians and a.s.syrians did not go, but this reasoning also sufficed to bring the conviction home to him that his misfortunes were the result of some offence. The man afflicted was a sinner, and the corollary to this position was that misfortunes come in consequence of sin. Through the evils alone which overtook one, it became clear to an individual that he had sinned against the deity. Within this circle of ideas the penitential psalms of Babylonia move. They do not pa.s.s wholly outside of the general Semitic view that sin is a 'missing of the mark,'--a failure, whether voluntary or involuntary, to comply with what was demanded by the deity under whose protection one stood. But one became conscious of having 'missed the mark' only when evil in some form--disease, ill luck, deluge, drought, defeat, destruction, storms, pecuniary losses, family discords, the death of dear ones--came to remind the individual or the nation of the necessity of securing the favor of the deity again. Still within this sphere there were great possibilities of ethical progress, and some of the Babylonian psalms breathe a spirit and are couched in a diction that have prompted a comparison with the Biblical psalms.[467] Thrown, as the sinner felt himself to be, upon the mercy of the angry deity, it mattered little what had called forth this wrath or whether the deity was conceived as acting in accordance with just ideas. The thought that would engage the entire attention of the penitent would be the appeas.e.m.e.nt of his G.o.d. To effect this, he would not stop short at exaggerating his own guilt. He would manifest a contrition of spirit that would not be the less sincere for being, perhaps, out of proportion to the character of his sin when judged by our standards.

Corresponding to the humiliation of mind to which he would be brought, his longing to be reconciled to the offended deity would be intensified.

He would address this deity in terms of strong endearment, magnify his or her powers, as the case may be, and belittle himself and his own worth. The result of such a mental discipline could not but react healthfully on the mind of the penitent. The penitent would arise from his prayer with a more spiritual conception of the relationship existing between himself and his G.o.d. Not appealing for any material benefits for the time being, but concerned only with appeasing the divine wrath, the single burden of his prayer "that the heart of the offended G.o.d might be 'at rest'" would be marked by an intensity all the stronger for being at least comparatively pure of grosser a.s.sociations.

All these features combined serve to make the penitential psalms the flower of the religious literature of Babylonia. The productions not only represent the highest stage which religious thought reached in the Euphrates Valley, but, in a certain sense, const.i.tute the only productions in cuneiform literature that have a permanent literary value.

We find these compositions marked by a third feature which, however, as we have already seen, is not peculiar to them,--the dialogue form. In order to bring about a reconciliation with an angered G.o.d, three personages were necessary in the drama,--the G.o.d, the penitent, and, thirdly, the priest, acting as mediator between the sinner and his deity. The deity, according to Babylonian notions, could not be approached directly, but only through his chosen messengers,--the priests. This idea of mediation, as against the immediate approach, was so p.r.o.nounced as to lead, as we have seen, to the frequent a.s.sociation with a G.o.d of a second divine personage,--his son or his servant,--through whom the pet.i.tions of mankind were brought to the throne of grace.[468] The priest was similarly conceived as the messenger of the G.o.d, and, by virtue of this office, endowed with a certain measure, at least, of divine power. He was, in the full sense, the G.o.d's vicar on earth,--his representative, who could, as we saw in the Ishtar hymn, speak in the first person on behalf of the G.o.d.[469]

The more manifest mission of the priest, however, was to intercede on behalf of the ma.s.s of mankind. Accepting the sacrifices offered by the laity, it was he that secured their gracious acceptance on the part of the deity. It was the priest, as we have seen, who instructed the individual to p.r.o.nounce the magic formulas that would be appropriate to his case; and just as in the incantation texts the priest accompanied the recitation of the formulas with an appeal of his own, so in the penitential psalms, he stood at the penitent's side, instructing him what to say, and emphasizing the confessions of the penitent by an a.s.surance to the deity of the sincerity of the penitent, coupled with a fervent request that the prayer for 'appeas.e.m.e.nt,' which involved all that we mean by forgiveness, be graciously answered.

It is unfortunate that the text of none of the penitential psalms is perfectly preserved. We must, therefore, content ourselves in our ill.u.s.trations with more or less imperfect extracts. It is to be noted, too, that often the exact meaning of the lines escapes us, owing to the obscurity of terms employed or to the gaps in the texts themselves. With few exceptions the psalms appear in the double style characteristic of so large a section of the religious literature of the Babylonians, the 'ideographic' composition being accompanied by a phonetic transliteration. The fact, however, that we have at least one text (IVR.

59, no. 2) in the phonetic style alone, is sufficient to show that no _special_ weight is to be attached to the supposed 'bilingual' character of the others. This double style is not a feature that need be taken into account in determining the age of this cla.s.s of compositions. The historical references in some of them have prompted Zimmern to give his partial a.s.sent to the opinion which would a.s.sign them, or some of them, to the age of Hammurabi. Beyond such references, which are not as clear as they might be, we have no data through which their age can be determined; but so far as the ideas which they convey and the religious spirit manifested in them are concerned, there is no reason why they should not be a.s.signed to as early a period as some of the incantation texts. It is characteristic of the Babylonian, as, in a measure, of all religions, that the old and the new go hand in hand; that more advanced conceptions, so far from setting aside primitive ones, can live and thrive in the same atmosphere with the latter. We may, therefore, a.s.sume that penitential psalms existed as early as 2000 B.C. Whether any of these that have been preserved go back to that period is another question. One gains the impression from a careful study of them that most of these, if not all, belong to a somewhat later period, nearer to the first millennium than to the second millennium before our era. The a.s.syrians adopted these psalms, as they did the other features of the religious literature of the Babylonians, and enriched the collection by productions of their own which, however, follow closely the Babylonian models.

A particularly beautiful psalm, judging from the portion preserved, represents the penitent addressing his G.o.ddess--probably Ishtar--as follows:[470]

I, thy servant, full of sighs, call upon thee; The fervent prayer of him who has sinned do thou accept.

If thou lookest upon a man, that man lives.

O all-powerful mistress of mankind, Merciful one, to whom it is good to turn, who hears[471] sighs!

At this point the priest takes up the thread to emphasize the appeal of the penitent by adding to it his own. He prays to the G.o.ddess:

His G.o.d and G.o.ddess being angry with him, he calls upon thee, Turn towards him thy countenance, take hold of his hand.

The penitent continues:

Besides thee, there is no guiding deity.

I implore thee to look upon me and hear my sighs.

Proclaim pacification,[472] and may thy soul be appeased.

How long, O my mistress, till thy countenance be turned towards me.

Like doves, I lament, I satiate myself with sighs.

The priest once more sums up the penitent's prayer:

With pain and ache, his soul is full of sighs; Tears he weeps, he pours forth lament (?).

A trait which appears in many of these psalms is the anonymity beneath which the offended deity is veiled. His or her name is often not mentioned, the deity being simply referred to as G.o.d or G.o.ddess, and at times it is left doubtful whether the sinner has 'sinned' against the demands of a G.o.d or a G.o.ddess, or against several deities. This feature is not without significance. In some cases, no doubt, the name of the specific deity was to be added by the penitent,[473] but in others this does not appear to be indicated. The anonymity is the natural result of the conception of sin involved in these productions. The sinner, becoming conscious of his guilt only as a conclusion drawn from the fact of his suffering from some misfortune, could only surmise, but never be entirely certain, wherein his offence consisted or what deity he had offended. In the case of the recital of incantation formulas, the question as to the offended deity was a minor one, and may indeed, at an earlier stage of thought, not have entered into consideration at all.

This anonymity, therefore, which characterized the penitential psalms was not due to any advance in thought, but one can easily see how it led to such an advance. What may be called the personal aspects of the G.o.ds were less accentuated. The very fact that no particular G.o.d could in many cases be specified entailed, as a consequence, that the views held of the G.o.ds gained in abstractness. The general thought of one's dependence upon these supernatural powers, without further specification, superinduced a grouping of the G.o.ds under a common aspect, as the directors of man's fate. In short, the notion of deity, not indeed as a unit, but as a collective idea, begins to dawn in Babylonia. At the same time we must beware of exaggerating the force that this notion acquired. There is not the slightest trace of any approach to real monotheism in Babylonia, nor can it even be said that the penitential psalms const.i.tute a bridge leading to such an approach.

The strong hold that astrology at all times, and up to the latest periods, had upon both the popular and the educated mind was in itself sufficient to prevent the Babylonians from pa.s.sing, to any considerable degree, beyond the stage in which the powers of nature were personified and imbued with real life. The penitential psalms presuppose this belief as much as any other branch of the religious literature; they merely ill.u.s.trate this belief in the purest form of which, in the course of its development, it was capable.

A psalm in which this anonymity of the offended G.o.d is more strongly brought out begins as follows.[474] The penitent prays:

O that the wrath of my lord's heart return to its former condition,[475]

O that the G.o.d who is unknown be pacified, O that the G.o.ddess unknown be pacified, O that the G.o.d known or unknown[476] be pacified, O that the G.o.ddess known or unknown be pacified, O that the heart of my G.o.d be pacified, O that the G.o.d or G.o.ddess known or unknown be pacified!

The penitent, it will be seen, does not know whether it is a G.o.d or a G.o.ddess whom he has offended. He therefore appeals to both. He goes on to say that he is not even aware of the sin that he has committed:

The sin that I have committed I know not.

And yet he must have sinned or he would not suffer as he does. In addition to his confession, he imposes the hardship of fasting upon himself by way of penance:

Food I have not eaten; Clear water I have not drunk.

The reference to fasting occurs so frequently in these psalms that one is tempted to conclude that such a bodily castigation was demanded by the ritual of the Babylonians:[477]

An offence have I unwittingly committed against my G.o.d, A sin against my G.o.ddess unwillingly been guilty of, O lord, my sins are many, great are my transgressions, O my G.o.d, my sins are many, great are my transgressions, O my G.o.ddess, my sins are many, great are my transgressions, Known or unknown G.o.d, my sins are many, great are my transgressions.

Again the sinner protests his innocence of the wrong he has done. He only knows that

The lord has looked upon me in the rage of his heart, A G.o.d has visited me in his wrath, A G.o.ddess has become angry with me and brought me into pain, A known or unknown G.o.d has oppressed me, A known or unknown G.o.ddess has brought sorrow upon me.

I seek for help, but no one takes my hand.

I weep, but no one approaches me.

I call aloud, but no one hears me.

Full of woe, I grovel in the dust without looking up.

To my merciful G.o.d I turn, speaking with sighs.

The feet of my G.o.ddess I kiss imploringly (?).

To the known or unknown G.o.d do I speak with sighs, To the known or unknown G.o.ddess do I speak with sighs.

O lord, look upon me, accept my lament, O G.o.ddess, look upon me, accept my lament, O known or unknown G.o.ddess, look upon me, accept my lament!

In this strain he proceeds for some time, until he is interrupted by the priest, who briefly adds:

O lord, do not cast aside thy servant, Overflowing with tears,[478] take him by the hand!

The penitent closes the prayer by another and still more earnest appeal:

The sin I have committed change to mercy, The wrong I have done, may the wind carry off.

Tear asunder my many transgressions as a garment.

My G.o.d, my sins are seven times seven,[479] forgive me my sins.

My G.o.ddess, my sins are seven times seven, forgive me my sins, Known or unknown G.o.d, my sins are seven times seven, forgive me my sins.

Known or unknown G.o.ddess, my sins are seven times seven, forgive me my sins.

Forgive me my sins and I will humble myself before thee.

May thy heart be glad[480] as the heart of the mother that has given birth, May thy heart be glad as that of a mother who has given birth, as that of a father who has begotten a child.

The proportions between the parts taken by the priest and penitent vary considerably. In the one quoted, the priest is only incidentally introduced; in others,[481] it is the penitent who plays the minor part.

The penitential ritual varied accordingly; but since we cannot discover here, as we could in the case of the incantation texts, the special occasions for the variations, except for those that contain historical references, one must suppose that they could be used indifferently at the choice of the penitent or the priest. It is probable that at one time a large collection of such psalms was made in Babylonia, and that those we have represent compositions made from the rituals of various temples. In one psalm we have a distinct statement from which we may conclude that it belonged to the E-sagila temple at Babylon. Only a portion of it is preserved.[482] It is interesting, also, because of a reference to a dream that it contains, and which the G.o.d of Babylon is called upon to convert into a favorable sign for the pet.i.tioner. Zimmern is of the opinion that the hymn may have been an evening prayer, but it seems more satisfactory to place it merely in the general category of penitential psalms, with a request for a sign that the deity has been appeased. The sinner, after describing his woeful state,--