_Article_ 1.--The lives and properties of all foreigners shall be respected, including in this denomination the Chinese and all Spaniards who have not directly or indirectly contributed to the bearing of arms against us.

_Article_ 2.--Those of the enemy who shall surrender their arms shall be, in like manner, respected.

_Article_ 3.--Medical establishments and ambulances shall also be respected as well as the persons and effects connected therewith, provided they show no hostility.

_Article_ 4.--Persons disobeying the above three articles shall be summarily tried and executed if their disobedience should lead to a.s.sa.s.sination, incendiarism, robbery or rape.

Given at Cavite, May 24, 1898.

_Emilio Aguinaldo_.

On June 8, at 5 p.m., a Philippine deputation, headed by Dr. Santos, waited on the American Consul-General in Singapore and delivered to him a congratulatory address on the American successes in the war with Spain. In reply to this address, the Consul-General made some pleasing remarks which were received with vociferous cheers by the Filipinos for the President of the United States and all sympathizers with their welfare. At the close of the reception a band of Philippine musicians played a selection of graceful airs of their native isles.

With his despatch No. 229, dated Singapore, June 9, the Consul-General sent press reports of these proceedings to the Secretary of State in Washington, who replied as follows [196]:--

No. 87.

_Department of State_,

_Washington, July_ 20, 1898.

_Sir_,--

Your No. 229 of the 9th ultimo, inclosing printed copies of a report from the _Straits Times_ of the same day ... with a view to its communication to the Press, has been received and considered. By Department's telegram of the 17th of June you were instructed to avoid unauthorized negotiations with the Philippine insurgents. The reasons for this instruction were conveyed to you in my No. 78 of the 16th of June, by which the President's views on the subject of your relations with General Aguinaldo were fully expressed. The extract now communicated by you from the _Straits Times_ of the 9th of June, has occasioned a feeling of disquietude and a doubt as to whether some of your acts may not have borne a significance and produced an impression which this Government would be compelled to regret. The address presented to you by the 25 or 30 Filipinos who gathered about the consulate discloses an understanding on their part that the object of Admiral Dewey was to support the cause of General Aguinaldo, and that the ultimate object of our action is to secure the independence of the Philippines "under the protection of the United States." Your address does not repel this implication, and it moreover represents that General Aguinaldo was "sought out by you," whereas it had been the understanding of the Department that you received him only upon the request of a British subject ... who formerly lived in the Philippines. Your further reference to General Aguinaldo as "the man for the occasion" and to your "bringing about" the "arrangement" between "General Aguinaldo and Admiral Dewey which has resulted so happily" also represents the matter in a light which causes apprehension lest your action may have laid the ground of future misunderstandings and complications. For these reasons the Department has not caused the article to be given to the Press, lest it might seem thereby to lend a sanction to views, the expression of which it had not authorized.

Respectfully yours,

_William R. Day_.

During the first few weeks following the Cavite naval battle nothing remarkable occurred between the belligerents. The British Consul and Vice-Consul were indefatigable in the services they rendered as intermediaries between Admiral Dewey and General Augusti. The American fleet was well supplied with coal from British vessels. The Manila-Dagupan Railway was in working order, and bringing supplies into the city. The Spanish authorities issued a decree regulating the price of meat and other commodities. American vessels made occasional trips outside the Bay, and brought in captive sailing-vessels. Neutral pa.s.senger-steamers were allowed to take away refugees other than Spanish subjects. The rebels outside Manila were very active in the work of burning and pillaging churches and other property. Streams of smoke were daily seen rising from the valleys. In the outskirts of the city, skirmishes between Spanish troops and rebels were of frequent occurrence. The Spaniards still managed to preserve routes of communication with the country districts, although, little by little, the rebels were closing in upon them. Aguinaldo and his subordinate leaders were making strenuous efforts effectually to cut off all supplies to the city, with the view of co-operating with the Americans to starve the Spaniards into capitulation. The hospitals in the capital were crowded with wounded soldiers, brought in at great risk from the rural districts. Spanish soldiers sauntered about the city and Binondo--sad spectacles of emaciation in which body and soul were only kept together by small doles of rice and dried fish. The volunteers who had enlisted on the conditions of pay, food, and clothing, raised an unheeded cry of protest, and threatened revolt, whilst the officers whiled away the time in the cafes with resigned indifference. The Archbishop issued his Pastoral Letter, in which he told the natives that if the foreigners obtained possession of the Islands there would be an end to all they most dearly cherished. Their altars would be desecrated; the churches would become temples of heresy; Christian morality would be banished, and vice would become rampant. He reminded them (with the proviso "circ.u.mstances permitting") that he had appointed June 17 as the day on which the consecration of these Islands to the "Heart of Jesus" would be solemnly confirmed.

To draw the remnant of loyalty to his side, the Gov.-General inst.i.tuted a reformed "Consulting a.s.sembly" composed of 15 half-castes and natives, under the nominal presidency of Pedro A. Paterno, the mediator in the Biac-na-bato negotiations. Senor Paterno, whose sympathy for Spain was still unalienated, issued a _Manifiesto_ of which the following is a translation (published in _El Comercio_ of Manila on June 2, 1898):--

_Filipinos: Beloved Brethren_.

I love our country as none other does. I want it to be great, free, and happy, and to shape its own destinies according to its desires and aspirations. Therefore, I respect all the vital forces in it at the cost of my life and my fortune. A long time ago I risked my existence for the rights and liberties of the Philippine people, who were sorely agitated, by bringing the majority together, and directing the salvation of their interests based on liberty and justice. My ideas are neither strange nor new; they are the _result of study and political experience,_ and not recently conceived under the existing circ.u.mstances. I desire, with all the vehemence of my soul, to see my country strong and great--its honour and dignity respected and in the enjoyment of the greatest happiness. But however great our efforts may be we need an ally. Let us imitate the example of the Great Powers; they cannot exist alone, however strong and great they may be. They need help, and the union of strength increases their power. Russia seeks France; Germany seeks Italy and Austria. Unhappy is the Power that isolates itself! And what better ally can we have than Spain, a nation with which we are united for nearly four centuries in religion, laws, morals, and customs, understanding full well her virtues and her defects? The evil days of Spanish colonization are over, and by dint of experience and the sacrifice of blood Spain has understood that we are already of age, and require reforms in our territory such as the formation of Philippine Militia, which gives us the force of arms, and the Consulting a.s.sembly, which gives us the power of speech, partic.i.p.ation in the higher public employments, and the ability to control the peaceful development and progress of society. Spain is at war with the United States; we neither know that nation nor its language. The Americans will endeavour by all imaginable means to induce us to help them against Spain. And then, alas! they, the all-powerful, will absorb us and reward our treachery to Spain by betraying us, making us slaves and imposing upon us all the evils of a new colonization. On the other hand, by helping Spain, if we die, we do so in the fulfilment of our duty; if we live, we shall obtain the triumph of our aspirations without the dangers and risks of a civil war. We shall not die! No! Under the flag which shields us and our garrisons, fighting with faith, decision, and ardour, as a country does which yearns to be free and great, the enemy will disappear like the wave which washes the seash.o.r.e. Let us hope to obtain from Spain all the good that the American stranger can offer to us. Let us help our old ally, our old friend Spain, and realize, with her, more quickly our aspirations. These are they:--With the greatest decentralization possible consistent with national unity, the organization and attributions of public powers must be based on three principles:--(1) Spanish sovereignty. (2) Local representation. (3) Colonial Government responsibility. Three inst.i.tutions correspond to these three principles, viz.: (1) The inst.i.tution of the General Government of the Philippines. (2) The Insular Deputation or Philippine a.s.sembly. (3) The Governative Council. In this way the rights of the Government and those of the Colony are harmonized. Let us shun the policy of suspicion and doubt. With these firm and solid guarantees let us establish civil and political liberty. The a.s.sembly, representing the will of the people, deliberates and resolves as one would treat one's own affairs in private life, and thus const.i.tutes the legislative power of the Archipelago. Its resolution will be put into practice with all fidelity by the executive power in its character of responsible government. There are only Spaniards in the Archipelago; we are all Filipinos and all European Spaniards. Such is _the programme of the party who want home rule for the Philippines--ever Spanish!_ Thus shall we see the destinies of this country guided under the orange and red flag. Thus will my beloved country be governed, without detriment to the integrity of Spain. Finally, under Spain our future is clear, and with all certainty we shall be free and rule. Under the Americans our future is cloudy; we shall certainly be sold and lose our unity; some provinces will become English, others German, others French, others Russian or Chinese. Let us struggle, therefore, side by side with Spain, we who love the Philippines united and free. Long live Spain!

_Pedro Alejandro Paterno_.

_Manila_, _31st of May_, 1898.

This _Manifiesto_ was replied to a week later by the rebel party, who published a Refutation, of which the following is a translation:--

_Refutation_ of the _Manifiesto_ of Senor Paterno.

"Actions speak louder than words."

A better phrase, or idea, could not be found with which to reply to the _Manifiesto_ of Don Pedro A. Paterno, published in _El Comercio_ of the 2nd instant, than the epigraph which heads these lines.

Senor Paterno begins by saying that he loves his country as none other does; he wants it to be great, free, and happy, and to shape its own destinies according to its own desires and aspirations. _Would to G.o.d such beautiful language represented the truth_, for it is just what we wish and what we have, long ago, been aiming at, at the risk of our lives and property, as proved by our actions and our arguments, especially since the middle of the glorious year of 1896, the period in which we commenced the conquest, by force of arms, of our most cherished liberties. May Senor Paterno forgive us if we cite a little of the history of this movement, so that he may see that neither are we ungrateful, nor are we acting with precipitation, but as a logical and undeniable consequence of the vile conduct and bad faith of the Spanish Government.

For over 300 years the country slumbered in ignorance of all that referred to its rights and political liberties. It was resigned to the Spanish governmental system of spoliation, and no one thought of reforms. But when the Revolution of September, 1868, broke out in Spain and overthrew the throne of Isabella II., the first revolutionary leaders, inspired by ideas of humanity and justice, caused an a.s.sembly of Reformists to be established here, one of the members of which, if we remember rightly, was Don Maximo Molo Paterno, father of Don Pedro. The a.s.sembly agreed to and proposed good and appropriate reforms, amongst which was that relating to the inc.u.mbencies which were monopolized by the friars. What did the Spanish Government do with these reforms? What did the friars do? Ah! though it may appear cruel to Senor Paterno, historical facts oblige us to remind him that the Government, in agreement with the friars, engineered the military rising of the City of Cavite in January, 1872, and at the instigation of its authors and accomplices, sentenced the secular priests Father Jose Burgos, Father Jacinto Zamora, Father Mariano Gomez, parish priests of Manila, Santa Cruz (suburb), and Bacoor (Cavite) respectively, to be garotted. Moreover, another secular priest, Father Agustin, the Philippine lawyers and landed proprietors, Don Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, Don Antonio Regidor, Don Pedro Carrillo, Don Jose Basa, and others, amongst whom was Don Maximo Molo Paterno, the father of Don Pedro, were banished to the Ladrone Islands. This virtuous grand old man (Don Maximo Paterno) did indeed (and we proclaim it with pride) make sacrifices of health and fortune for the advancement of the liberties of his native country. From the year 1872 the Spanish Government carried on a persistent persecution of all the Philippine reformers by unjust imprisonment and banishment. In 1888 the authorities went so far as to prosecute 700 representative men of the suburbs of Manila, simply for having presented a pet.i.tion of rights and aspirations to the Gov.-General Don Emilio Terrero. There is not a single insalubrious island or gloomy corner in the country which has not been the forced home of some banished Filipino. No one was sure of his personal liberty; none were safe in their homes, and if three or four Filipinos met together for an innocent purpose, they were spied, arrested, and banished. Calumny has brought about enough banishments to Fernando Po, Chafarinas Islands, Ceuta, and other African and Spanish places to demonstrate the bad faith, cruelty, and injustice of the Spanish Government with respect to the Philippine people. This virile, intelligent people received the supreme decree of reforms with joy and enthusiasm, sharing the feelings of those who felt in their souls the flame of liberty. This people worked, through legitimate channels, to advance its ideal, inspired by the purest loyalty to Spain. How did the Spanish Government fulfil, on its part, the decree spontaneously issued in 1868? By prosecuting and banishing the reformists, and employing a system of terror to damp the courage of the Filipinos. Vain, ridiculous fallacy!--for it ought to have known better after three centuries of rule of that country of intelligence, birthplace of Rizal, Luna, Rosario and other living examples of Philippine energy. The Filipinos, lovers of their liberty and independence, had no other recourse open to them than an appeal to arms, to bring force against force, terror against terror, death for death, resolute and sworn to practise the system of fire and blood, until they should attain for the whole Philippine Archipelago absolute freedom from the ignominious sovereignty of Spain. Now let us continue our comments on the _Manifiesto_.

Senor Paterno says that a long time ago he risked his existence for the rights and liberties of the Philippine people, even at the cost of his health and his fortune. We, however, do not see how he put into practice such magnificent ideas, for what we do know is that Senor Paterno pa.s.sed his younger days in Madrid, where, by dint of lavish expenditure, he was very well treated by the foremost men in Spanish politics, without gaining from Spain anything whereby the Philippine people were made free and happy during that long period of his brilliant existence. On the contrary, the very epoch of the persecutions narrated above coincided with the period of Don Pedro A. Paterno's brilliant position and easy life in Madrid, where, because he published a collection of poems under the t.i.tle of "Sampaguitas," he became distinguished by the nickname of _Sampaguitero_. We know, also, that Senor Paterno came back to this, his native soil, appointed director of a Philippine Library and Museum not yet established, without salary, but with the decoration of the Grand Cross of Isabella the Catholic. This was no gain to us, no distinction to him, seeing that the same decoration was given to the Chinaman Palanca and two others, without their leaving their homes to obtain them.

How are we then to understand those generous sacrifices of health and fortune for the cause of Philippine liberty? Perhaps he refers to the recently created Philippine Militia and Consulting a.s.sembly. Well, admitting for argument sake, that with such Militia and Consulting a.s.sembly the liberty and happiness of the Philippines were a.s.sured (a doubtful hypothesis, Senor Paterno), this happiness is not due to Senor Paterno's efforts, but simply to the circ.u.mstances. Spain is at war with North America, and now offers us this sugar-plum to draw us to her side to defend her against invasion.

We ask you again, Senor Paterno, where are those sacrifices?

We do not see them, although we seek them with the light of impartiality, for, as the splendour of justice shines on our flag, we should not fail to do this even for our greatest enemies, amongst whom we do not count you.

Do you allude to the Peace of Biac-na-bato? If so, we ask, what have you done with that peace to which we subscribed in good faith, and which you and General Primo de Rivera together have stupidly and scandalously torn into shreds? You have, indeed, bungled the amnesty when many of the banished are, up to now, suffering the miseries of their sad and unjust fate.

You have put off the promised reforms which, even yet, have not come.

You have delayed the payment of the P400,000 for the second and third instalments of the agreed sum.

You have not delivered into the hands of our chief, Don Emilio Aguinaldo, the money as agreed upon.

Ah! You thought that when we had surrendered to you our arms and our garrisoned strongholds--when our forces were dispersed and we were absent--you could turn back to the Government of iniquity without reflecting that Divine Providence could permit, in the hour of great injustice, her emissary Don Emilio Aguinaldo to return resolved to chastise energetically the immoral and impotent Spanish Government.

Then comes Senor Paterno, telling us that however great our efforts may be in the cause of liberty, we cannot live without an ally, and that we can find no better alliance than the sovereignty of Spain. Frankly, we must say that this is inconceivably incompatible with Senor Paterno's clear intelligence. How do you understand an alliance with sovereignty? How can you imagine a people great, free and happy under the sovereignty of Spain? Senor Paterno cites, as examples, the alliances between Russia and France, Germany and Italy and Austria, but, so far, we do not know that Russia is the sovereign power of the French, nor the Germans that of the Italians and Austrians. Senor Paterno further says that by helping Spain in the war with the United States, if we die, we do so in the fulfilment of our duty; if we live, we shall obtain the triumph of our aspirations without the dangers and risks of a civil war. Know, Senor Paterno, and let all know, that in less than six days' operations in several provinces we have already taken 1,500 prisoners, amongst whom is the Brigadier-General Garcia Pena, one Colonel, several Lieutenant-Colonels, Majors and officers, besides the Governor of the Province of Bulacan, his wife and all the civil service staff of that province. We also have about 500 Philippine volunteers as prisoners, of whom 10 have died and 40 are wounded, whilst among the European prisoners there is only one wounded. This goes to prove that the Europeans were too cowardly to defend the sovereignty of Spain in these Islands, therefore we do not understand the appeal you make to the Filipinos to defend Spain as a duty, when the Spaniards themselves are heedless of that which ought to be a more rigorous and strict obligation with them, seeing that they defend their own possession which brings them so much lucre and profit. This does not say much for the duty when the favoured ones themselves forget it and trample upon it. To die to-day for cowardly Spain! This implies not only want of dignity and delicate feeling, but also gross stupidity in weaving a sovereignty of frightened Spaniards over the heads of brave Filipinos. It is astonishing that in the face of such an eloquent example of impotence there should still be a Filipino who defends the sovereignty of Spain.

Remember, Senor Paterno, that we make war without the help of any one, not even the North Americans; but no! we have the help of G.o.d, who is the eternal ally of the great and just causes such as that which we defend against Spain--our own beloved _independence_!!!

Senor Paterno concludes by explaining his political and administrative principles on the basis of Spanish sovereignty, but, as we have charged that sovereignty with cowardice and immorality, we dismiss this detail.

To conclude, we will draw the attention of Senor Paterno to two things, viz.:

1. That he _commits an injustice in imputing to the North Americans the intention of taking possession of these Islands_ as soon as we have conquered the Spaniards, for, besides having no grounds on which to make such an allegation against a nation distinguished for its humanity like the Federal Republic, there is the fact that _its own const.i.tution prohibits the absorption of territory outside America, _in accordance with that principle laid down by the immortal Monroe, of America for the Americans. There is, moreover, the historical antecedent that the independence of South America, once under Spanish dominion, is largely due to the protection of the United States; and

2. That Senor Paterno should reflect on the fact that the Spaniards would never have allowed him to publish his _Manifiesto_ had it not been for the existence and att.i.tude of our Dictator, Don Emilio Aguinaldo. This ought to serve Senor Paterno as further proof of the cowardice of the Spaniards, who, notwithstanding all that has been shown, insist on creating discord by provoking civil war: on their heads will fall the responsibilities of the moment and of the historical past.

_Cavite_, _9th of June_, 1898.

_The Revolutionists_.

The feeling against Don Pedro A. Paterno in the rebel camp was very strong for the time being, because of his supposed complicity in the alleged Biac-na-bato fraud.