Generations of Spanish misrule in that Island had produced a recurrence of the many attempts to throw off the sovereignty of Spain. In February, 1895, the flag of insurrection was again unfurled, and at Baira a proclamation, claiming independence, was issued at the instance of one of Cuba's most intelligent patriots--Marti. This civil leader, however, died a natural death a few months afterwards, but the chief command of the insurgents in the field was continued by the mulatto Antonio Maceo. The rebellion was a.s.suming a serious aspect when General Martinez Campos, who had been instrumental in duping the Cubans in 1878 by the Treaty of Zanjon, was again sent out as Captain-General of the Island. But the Cubans refused to be caught a second time in the same trap. Martinez Campos' theme of "political action combined with military force" held no weight. During his mild _regime_ the insurrection increased rapidly, and in one encounter he himself was very near falling a prisoner. In eight months he was relieved of his post, and General Weyler, Marquis de Teneriffe, who had a reputation for severity, succeeded him in command. He was a man of the Duke of Alba type--the ideal of the traditional Spanish Colonial party who recognized no colonists' rights, and regarded concessions of liberty to the colonies as maternal dispensations to be hoped for only, but never demanded. Antonio Canovas, the ultra-Conservative Prime Minister, had declared that so long as an armed rebel remained in the field he would not grant reforms, so the prospect of a settlement of the disputes between the Government and the governed was hopeless during that administration. The duration of the civil war had seriously prejudiced American trade interests; the pursuance of a conflict under the conditions imposed by General Weyler, who caused all non-combatant Islanders to be "concentrated" in places where they were left to starve, aroused the just indignation of America and Europe alike. The hand of the a.s.sa.s.sin brought the Canovas Ministry to an end on August 8, 1897; General Weyler was recalled six weeks later, and the United States Government, which had so repeatedly protested against the indefinite and wanton waste of lives and fortune in Cuba, dictated to Spain a limit to its continuance. After a Conservative interregnum of six weeks under the leadership of General Marcelo Azarraga, Praxedes Sagasta came into power at the head of a Liberal ministry and with a Cuban autonomy bill in his portfolio. The newly-appointed Gov.-General, Ramon Blanco, Marquis de Pena Plata, ex-Gov.-General of the Philippines (_vide_ p. 377)--a more n.o.ble and compa.s.sionate man than his predecessor--unsuccessfully essayed the policy of coercing the rebels in arms whilst cajoling peaceful autonomists and separatists with the long-talked-of self-government. Nevertheless, the separatist movement had in no way abated when the Autonomy Bill was promulgated, and an insular Cuban Government was formed on January 1, 1898. In the meantime the incident of the blowing-up of the American warship _Maine_, the cause of which has not yet been made clear to the satisfaction of the world, had further incensed the war party in the United States. [191] Autonomy had come too late; examined in detail it was but another form of Spanish dominion, open to almost similar abuses; it was not the will of the people, and it failed to bring peace. The thousands "concentrated" under Weyler's rule still formed a moribund ma.s.s of squalid misery which Spain was still unable or unwilling to relieve. America's offer to alleviate their wretchedness materially was received with suspicion, hemmed in with conditions, and not openly rejected for the want of physical power to do so. Three months of insular government and over 200,000 Spanish troops had effected practically nothing; the prospect of peace was hopeless, and the United States of America formally called upon Spain to evacuate the Island. Spain argued the point; America insisted on the course dictated, and sent an ultimatum to Madrid on April 20, 1898, to be accepted or otherwise within three days. The ministers Polo de Bernabe and General Woodford withdrew from Washington and Madrid respectively, and war broke out between the United States and Spain on Sat.u.r.day, April 23, 1898.

In antic.i.p.ation of hostilities an American fleet had concentrated at Hong-Kong. On April 23 Major-General Black, the officer administering the Colony, issued a proclamation of neutrality, and Commodore Dewey withdrew his fleet from British waters to Mirs Bay, [192] at that time within Chinese jurisdiction.

It was known in Manila that the hostile squadron was on the way to the Philippine capital. Submarine mines were laid, or said to have been laid, for some old cable was purchased for the purpose from the telegraph-ship _Sherard Osborn _when the submarine cable was removed from Bolinao and carried on to Manila. Admiral Patricio Montojo went with four ships to await the arrival of the enemy off Subig (Zambales) on the west coast of Luzon. Subig is a fine natural harbour, but with precipitous sh.o.r.es just as Nature has made it. For years the "project" had existed to carry a State railway there from Manila, and make Subig the princ.i.p.al Government Naval Station and a.r.s.enal instead of Cavite. But personal interests and the sloth of the Government combined to frustrate the plan. Under the pressing circ.u.mstances the military authorities pretended to be doing something there, and sent up a commission. Admiral Montojo expected to find batteries of artillery mounted and 14 torpedoes in readiness, but absolutely nothing had been done, so he at once returned to Manila Bay, and prepared to meet the adversary off Cavite. In Cavite there were two batteries, with three guns between them, but at the last moment two defective guns were put ash.o.r.e there from the _Don Juan de Austria_ and two similar pieces from the _Castilla_.

In Hong-Kong there was great agitation among the members of the Philippine Patriotic League (_Junta Patriotica_) and the rebel chiefs exiled under the alleged Treaty of Biac-na-bato. The League had presented to several European Governments, through its own agents, a sort of _Memorandum_, to which no official recognition could be given. The leaguers were now anxious to co-operate with the Americans in compelling the Spaniards to evacuate the Archipelago. An influential American in Hong-Kong accepted the honorary post of treasurer of the Patriotic League Fund, but quarrels over the spoil resulted in General Aguinaldo being obliged by one of his ex-ministers to pay him his share, amounting to several thousands of Mexican dollars. Under these circ.u.mstances General Aguinaldo and his suite proceeded to Singapore, travelling _incognito_, so as to avoid any undue interference, and Aguinaldo took the opportunity to explain in certain official quarters the existing conditions in the Philippines. The rebel general opportunely arrived in Singapore at or about the time of the outbreak of American-Spanish hostilities. Certain American authorities in the Far East were desirous of utilizing Aguinaldo's services and prestige with the armed natives to control them and prevent reprisals when the American forces should appear before Manila. It was hoped that, in this way, the lives of many Spaniards in the Islands would be spared. Indeed, it eventually resulted so, for Aguinaldo, with admirable tact, restrained any impolitic movement on the part of his followers during the American operations against the Spaniards. Only one who had lived in the Islands could adequately appreciate the unbounded confidence some 20,000 armed natives must have had in Aguinaldo to have refrained, at his bidding, from retaliating on their old masters. According to _El Liberal _newspaper of Madrid, dated June 28, 1898 (which quotes from _El Dia_), the aspirations of the Revolutionary Party would appear to have been, at that date, as follows, viz.:--

1. Philippine Independence to be proclaimed.

2. A Federal Republic to be established by vote of the rebels; pending the taking of this vote Aguinaldo was to appoint the members of that Government.

3. The Federal Republic to recognize a temporary intervention of American and European Administrative Commissions.

4. An American Protectorate to be recognized on the same terms as those fixed for Cuba.

5. Philippine ports to be opened to all the world.

6. Precautionary measures to be adopted against the influx of Chinese.

7. The existing judicial system to be reformed.

8. Liberty of the press and right of a.s.sembly to be proclaimed.

9. Ample tolerance of all religions and sects, but abolition and expulsion of all monastic Orders.

10. Measures to be adopted for working up the natural resources of the Archipelago.

11. The wealth of the country to be developed by the construction of highroads and railways.

12. The obstacles operating against the development of enterprises and employment of foreign capital to be removed.

13. The new Government to preserve public order and check all reprisals against the Spaniards.

14. Spanish officials to be transported to another safe and healthy island until there should be an opportunity for their return to Spain.

From Singapore, General Emilio Aguinaldo returned with his suite to Hong-Kong, where instructions had been given apparently favouring his plans for co-operation in the Islands. Consequent on this, General Aguinaldo and his staff made preparations for proceeding to Manila in an American warship when it should be deemed opportune to do so. About the same time the Philippine Patriotic League issued a proclamation which is too long to reproduce here, as it covers eight folios of print. This doc.u.ment sets forth that whereas the Treaty of Biac-na-bato had not been fulfilled by the Spanish Government, the Revolutionists considered themselves absolved therefrom, and morally free again to take the offensive in open warfare for the security of their rights and liberty. But this doc.u.ment does not quote any of the text of the above alleged treaty. Proclamations and exhortations to the rebels were issued with such frequency that it would be tedious to cite them all, but the following is a fair example:--

_(Translation of Full Text)_

_Philippine Patriots_:--

A nation which has nothing good can give nothing. It is evident we cannot depend on Spain to obtain the welfare we all desire. A country like Spain, where social evolution is at the mercy of monks and tyrants, can only communicate to us its own instincts of calumny, infamy, inquisitorial proceedings, avarice, secret police, false pretences, humiliation, deprivation of liberties, slavery, and moral and material decay which characterize its history. Spain will need much time to shake off the parasites which have grown upon and cling to her; she has no self-dependence so long as her nationality is composed of inquisitorial monks, ambitious soldiers, demoralized civil servants, and a populace bred to support this state of things in silence. It is therefore useless to expect anything from Spain.

During three and a half centuries Spain's policy has been a delusion. Is there a conflict between Spain and England or Holland? Then the friars come and relate to us preposterous absurdities of the miracles of Saint Francis and of the Image of the Virgin of the Rosary, whilst Simon de Anda calls the Pampango natives his brothers so long as they fight to save the Spanish flag falling into the hands of English or Dutch _savages!_ Is the foreign invasion ended? Then the friars, through their salaried agents in the press, reward us with epithets such as monkey, buffalo, etc. Is there another conflict imminent between Germany and Spain? Then the friars call the natives Spaniards and the military officers own us as their sons and they dub us brave soldiers. Is the conflict finished? Then we are again overgrown boys, beings of inferior race and incapable of being civilized. Is there now to be a struggle with Americans? Then General Augusti, who is the living symbol of Spanish authority, who ought to be the most prudent of the prudent, the most cultivated of the cultivated, points at America as a nation composed of all social excrescences; the friars and their enslaved Spaniards want again to cajole and cheat us with offers of partic.i.p.ation in public affairs, recognition of the military grades of ex-rebel chiefs, and other twaddle degrading to those who would listen to it. In fact, they have called into their councils the sons of the country, whilst they exclusively carry out their own ideas, and reserve to themselves the right to set aside all the resolutions at a stroke. They offer to enrol in their ranks the insurgents of yesterday, so that they can have them all shot on the morrow of the present difficulty. What irrision! Do you want another trick exposed? Now that Spain is in danger of losing the Philippines, the executioners of the other day--the everlasting tyrants--tell us that America will sell the Islands to England. No, America has its past and its present. America will preserve a clear intelligence; she is not dominated by friars and tyrants like Spain; she is liberal; she has liberated her slaves against the will of the Spaniards who were, for the most part, their owners. A country is known by its national character; review its past history and it is easy to understand the calumny launched against the Americans. But even though we became English, should we not gain by it? The English have conceded self-government to many of their colonies, and not of the frail delusive sort that Spain granted to Cuba. In the English colonies there are liberties which Spain never yielded to hers in America or the Philippines.

Our country is very rich, and as a last resource we can buy it from the Americans. Do not be deceived by the Spaniards! Help the Americans, who promise us our liberty. Do not fall into the error of taking Spain to be a civilized country. Europe and America consider her the most barbarous of the century. There the weakest is the most persecuted. In no country to-day but Spain is the Inquisition tolerated. It is proved by the tortures imposed on the prisoners of Montjuich, of the Philippines, and of Cuba. Spain did not fulfil the agreement entered into with Maximo Gomez at Zanjon, nor that made with Aguinaldo at Biac-na-bato. Spain is a nation always more ready to promise than to perform. But ask for friars, soldiers, and State dependents to come and devour our wealth, and instantly you will get them. Spain has nothing else to give, and G.o.d grant she will keep what she has. Spain will flatter you under the present circ.u.mstances, but do not be deceived. Submit every fawning offer to your conscience. Remember the executions of the innocents, the tortures and atrocities which have been the means of covering with decorations the b.r.e.a.s.t.s of those who took the blood of your fathers, brothers, relations and friends. Providence will aid the Americans in their triumph, for the war is a just one for the nation elected to lead us to the goal of our liberty. Do not rail against the designs of Providence; it would be suicidal. Aid the Americans!

_(Anonymous.)_

On the other side, far richer in poetic imagination and religious fervour, is the Allocution of the Archbishop of Madrid-Alcala published in Madrid on the day hostilities commenced. The following extract will suffice to show how the religious sentiment of the people was indirectly appealed to to convince them that Spain was defending a n.o.ble cause.

_Very Beloved Sons_:--

The cursed hunger for gold and the unquenchable thirst for power have combined to tarnish that flag which the Great Queen Isabella raised, by the hand of Columbus, in the West Indies. With justice trodden under foot, the voice of the Pope unheeded, and the intervention of the nations despised with arrogance, every road to the counsels of peace has been barred and the horrors of war have become a necessity. Let Heaven be witness that we are not the authors of this disaster, and let the responsibility before G.o.d be on that vain people whose dogma seems to be that money is the G.o.d of the world.... There, ploughing the seas, go our soldiers and our sailors. Have no fear, let no one weep, unless, indeed, it be for fear of arriving too late for the fray. Go, braves, to fight with the blessing of the Fatherland. With you goes all Spain, from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic, from Irun to Tarifa. With what envy do We contemplate you weighing anchor to leave our sh.o.r.es! Oh! why does juvenility, or decrepitude, or duty deprive us of the joy of taking part in your enterprise? But no! with you goes our Spanish heart.... May the Immaculate Virgin, whose scapulary hangs around your necks and whose blessed image floats on your flags, protect you under her mantle in the moment of danger, deliver you from all evil, and shower blessings upon you! May Saint James, patron of Spain, and the martyr Nicodemus and Saint Telmo and Saint Raymond and the King Saint Ferdinand go before you and ever march in the vanguard wherever you may go and make you invulnerable to the bullets of the enemy, so that you may return victorious to tread once more this n.o.ble soil and kiss the cheek of the weeping mother who bore you!... We, who cannot go to take part in the battles, will hold and brandish the arms of prayer, like Moses who prayed on the mountain, whilst Joshua slew his ferocious enemies in the valley.... G.o.d has triumph in His hand and will give it to whom He pleases. He gave it to Spain in Covadonga, in Las Navas, in El Salado, in the river of Seville, on the plain of Granada, and in a thousand battles which overflow the pages of history. O Lord, give it us now! Let the nations see that against the right of might there is the might of right!

To all beloved sons, from our heart We have pleasure in sending you our pastoral benediction, in the name of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Amen.

Given in our palace in Madrid on the 23rd of April, 1898.

_Jose Ma_ _Archbishop-bishop of Madrid-Alcala_.

This Allocution calls to mind Spain's last struggle with Mexico. Was it a battle of the saints? The Spaniards relied on Santa Isabel; the Mexicans appealed to Santa Guadalupe, and the latter came out victorious.

In Manila, as the critical day approached, Gov.-General Augusti issued his general order as to special military service and his proclamation to the Philippine people. The latter is couched in vituperative and erroneously prophetic language, but both can be better appreciated from the following translated texts:--

_Special Military Service_

Whereas it is necessary to adopt every possible means for the defence of this territory and to render a.s.sistance to the army and the fleet in the approaching operations against the United States of North America, I order:

1. It is hereby declared that a state of war exists.

2. All public functionaries of the State and the munic.i.p.alities, not exceeding 50 years of age and not physically unfit, are obliged to take up arms in defence of the country and serve whenever they are required. They will proceed, at once, to their offices and lodge their names and serve under their present chiefs.

3. All Spaniards and sons of Spaniards (although not born in the Peninsula) above the age of 20 and not more than 50, living in the Provinces, are also hereby required to take up arms.

4. All those not comprised in the foregoing are at liberty to serve as Volunteers.

(_a_) All native Spaniards who are not employed in the public offices.

(_b_) All those who are under 20 and more than 50 years of age, and who are strong enough to endure the fatigue of a campaign.

(_c_) All foreigners (except North Americans) who are domiciled in Manila or in the capitals of the Provinces.

5. The General Sub-Inspector will organize these Volunteers, and distribute them as required for defensive purposes.

6. Public functionaries will receive their orders for military service from their respective administrative chiefs.