The theological system of the Arminians, after their return to Holland, underwent, if we credit Dr. Mosheim,[044] a remarkable change. They appear, by his account, to have almost coincided with those, who exclude the necessity of divine grace in the work of conversion and sanctification; and think that Christ demands from men, rather virtue than faith; and has confined that belief, which is essential for salvation, to very few articles. Thus the modern Arminians, according to Dr. Mosheim, admit into their communion,--1st. All, with an exception of Catholics, who receive the holy scriptures; and more especially the New Testament; allowing at the same time to every individual, his own interpretation of the sacred books:--2dly. All whose lives are regulated by the law of G.o.d:--3dly. And all, who neither persecute nor bear ill will towards those who differ from them in their religious sentiments.

Their _Confession of Faith_ was drawn up by Episcopius in 1622: four divines of the established church of Holland published a _Refutation_ of it: the authors of the _Confession_ replied to it in the following year, by their _Apology_.

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

James I. of England directed his theological representatives in the Synod of Dort, to join the members in the condemnation of the doctrines of Arminius:--but, when the English divines returned from that a.s.sembly, and gave a full account of its proceedings, the King and the greatest part of the English clergy expressed their dissatisfaction with them, and declared that the sentiments of Arminius on the divine decrees, was preferable to those of Calvin and Gomarus. By the exertions of Archbishop Laud, and afterwards, in consequence of the general tendency of the public mind to doctrines of mildness and comprehension, an Arminian construction of the English articles on predestination and free-will was adopted:--it has since prevailed,--and the Arminian creed, by the number of its secret or open adherents, has insensibly found admittance into every Protestant church.

[Sidenote: History of Arminianism.]

If we believe the celebrated Jurieu[045], Arminianism even in its Socinian form, abounded, in less than a century, after the death of Arminius, in the United Provinces, and among the Hugonots of the adjacent part of France. By his account, the dispersion of the French Hugonots, in consequence of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, revealed to the terrified reformers of the original school, the alarming secret of the preponderance of Socinianism in the reformed church. Its members, according to Jurieu, being no longer under the controul of the civil power, spread their Socinian principles every where, with the utmost activity and success: even in England, Jurieu professed to discover the effect of their exertions. He mentions that in 1698, thirty-four French refugee ministers residing in London addressed a letter to the synod, then sitting at Amsterdam, in which they declared, that Socinianism had spread so rapidly, that, if the ecclesiastical a.s.semblies supplied no means for checking their growth, or used palliatives only, the mischief would be incurable.

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

This charge, however, the Arminians have indignantly rejected. A writer in the _Bibliotheque Germanique_[046] relates, that

"the celebrated Anthony Collins called on M. Le Clerc of Amsterdam: He was accompanied by some Frenchmen, of the fraternity of those, who think freely. They expected to find the religious opinions of Le Clerc in unison with their own, but, they were surprised to find the strong stand which he made in favour of revelation. He proved to them, with great strength of argument, the truth of the Christian religion. Jesus Christ, he told them, was born among the Jews; still, it was not the Jewish religion which he taught; neither was it the religion of the Pagan neighbourhood; but, a religion infinitely superior to both. One sees in it the most striking marks of divinity. The Christians, who followed, were incapable of imagining any thing so beautiful. Add to this, that the Christian religion is so excellently calculated for the good of society, that, if we did not derive so great a present from heaven, the good and safety of men would absolutely demand from them an equivalent."

Throughout the conversation, M. Le Clerc reproached the Deists strongly, for the hatred, which they shewed to Christianity. He proved, that, by banishing it from the world,

"they would overturn whatever was most holy and respectable among men; break asunder the surest bonds of humanity; teach men to shake off the yoke of law; deprive them of their strongest incitement to virtue, and bereave them of their best comfort. What," (he asked them) "do you subst.i.tute in its place? Can you flatter yourself, that you will discover something better? You expect, no doubt, that men will erect statues to you, for your exertions to deprive them of their religion! Permit me to tell you, that the part you act makes you odious and despicable in the eyes of all honest men."

He finished the conversation by requesting Mr. Collins to bring him no more such visitors.

[Sidenote: XII. 1. History of Arminians.]

From the close of the 17th century, till the present time, Arminianism has been continually on the increase. It is a just observation of Mr.

Gibbon, that "the disciples of Arminius must not be computed by their separate congregations."

Doctor Maclaine says, it is certain, that the most eminent philosophers have been found among the Arminians. "If both Arminians and Calvinists,"

says Mr. Evans, in the excellent work we have cited,

"claim a _King_ (_James_ I.), it is certain that the latter alone can boast of a _Newton_, a _Locke_, a _Clarke_, or a _Boyle_.

Archbishop _Usher_ is said to have lived a _Calvinist_; and died an _Arminian_. The members of the episcopal church in Scotland; the Moravians, the general Baptists, the Wesleyan Methodists, the Quakers or Friends, are Arminians; and it is supposed that a great proportion of the Kirk of Scotland teach the doctrines of Arminius, though they have a Calvinistic confession of faith. What a pity it is that the opinions either of Calvinists or Arminians,"

--(we beg leave to add: or any other Catholic or Protestant opinions whatsoever)--

"cannot in the eyes of some persons be held without a diminution of Christian charity!"

XII. 2.

_Grotius's Religious Sentiments_.

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

To the milder form of Arminianism, Grotius always inclined. During his emba.s.sy in France, he adopted it without reserve. He was soon disgusted with the French Calvinists. The ministers of Charenton accepted the decisions of the Synod of Dort, and, in conformity with them, refused, when Grotius repaired to Paris, after his escape from Louvestein, to admit him into their communion. On his arrival at Paris, in quality of amba.s.sador, they offered to receive him: Grotius expressed pleasure at the proposal; and, intimated to them, that if he should go into any country, in which the Lutherans, knowing his sentiments on the sacrament of our Lord's Supper, should be willing to receive him into their communion, he would make no difficulty in joining them. Thus every thing appeared to be settled; but the ministers then objected to receive Grotius as amba.s.sador from Sweden, because that kingdom was Lutheran.

Grotius, upon this, resolved to have the divine service performed in his house. Lutherans publicly attended it. "We have celebrated," he writes to his brother, "the Feast of the Nativity in my house: the Duke of Wirtemberg, the Count de Saxenburgh, and several Swedish and German lords, attended at it." His first chaplain was imprudent, his second gave him great satisfaction.

[Sidenote: XII. 2. Grotius' Religious Sentiments.]

Burigni has collected, in the last chapter of his Life of Grotius, a mult.i.tude of pa.s.sages, which shew his gradual leaning to the Roman Catholic faith. He produces several pa.s.sages from his works, which prove,--

_That_ he paid high regard to decisions of the councils, and the discipline of the primitive church; and thought the sentiments of the antient church should be deferred to, in the explanation of the Scriptures: [047]

_That_, the early reformers were held by him in no great esteem:[048]

_That_, mentioning Casaubon's sentiments, Grotius said that this learned man thought the Roman Catholics of France better informed than those of other countries, and came nearer to truth than the ministers of Charenton:--

"It cannot," says Grotius, "be denied, that there are several Roman Catholic pastors here, who teach true religion, without any mixture of superst.i.tion; it were to be wished that all did the same:"[049]

_That_ the Calvinists were schismatics, and had no mission:[050]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

_That_ the Jesuits were learned men and good subjects. "I know many of them," he says, in one of his writings against Rivetus, "who are very desirous to see abuses abolished, and the church restored to its primitive unity."--We shall hereafter see that Father Petau, an ill.u.s.trious member of the society, possessed the confidence of Grotius:[051]

_That_, Grotius looked upon the abolition of episcopacy and of a visible head of the church, as something very monstrous:[052]

_That_, he acknowledged that some change was made in the eucharistic bread; that, when Jesus Christ, being sacramentally present, favours us with his substance,--as the Council of Trent expresses its doctrine on the Eucharist,--the appearances of bread and wine remain, and in their place succeed the body and blood of Christ: [053]

[Sidenote: XII. 2. Grotius's Religious Sentiments.]

_That_, Grotius did not approve of the sentiments of the Calvinists concerning the Eucharist, and reproached them with their contradiction.

"You will hear them state in their confessions," says Grotius, "that they really, substantially and essentially partake of Christ's body and his blood; but, in their disputes, they maintain that Christ is received only spiritually, by faith. The antients go much further: they admit a real incorporation of Jesus Christ with us, and the reality of Christ's body, as Saint Hilarius speaks."

It must however be remarked that, although Grotius thought that the term _Transubstantiation_ adopted by the council of Trent, was capable of a good interpretation, it is not clear, what was his precise opinion respecting the Eucharist. He proposed the following formulary:

"We believe that, in the use of the supper, we truly, really, and substantially,--that is to say,--in its proper substance,--receive the true body and the true blood of Jesus Christ, in a spiritual and ineffable manner: [054]"

_That_, Grotius justified the decision of the Council of Trent, concerning the number of the sacraments:[055]

_That_, after the year 1640, he took no offence at the use of images in churches, or at prayers for the dead:[056]

_That_, he thought the bishops of Rome may be in error, but cannot long remain in it, if they adhere to the universal church;--this seems to presuppose the church's infallibility:[057]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

_That_ in the opinion of Grotius; fasting was early used in the church; the observance of Lent was a very early practice: the sign of the cross had something respectable in it; the fathers held virginity a more perfect state than marriage; and the celibacy of the priests conformable to the antient discipline of the church:[058]

And

"that those, who shall read the decrees of the Council of Trent, with a mind disposed to peace, will find that every thing is wisely explained in them: and agreeable to what is taught by the Scriptures and the antient fathers."[059]