Note 63. The testimony given by many of the political prisoners as to the foundation, aims and work of the Compromisarios is somewhat conflicting. For instance: Antonio Salazar, (fols. 1,008-1,013) testified that on account of the mal-administration of the funds, "the subscription on behalf of La Propaganda ceased, and under the name of Compromisarios was founded an a.s.sociation composed of ... (here follow names of members), and seeing that they could not gather sufficient funds, they agreed to increase the subscription and seek persons to a.s.sociate with them."

On another occasion the same witness testified (fols. 1,014-1,018) that certain persons whom he named were the "Compromisarios, who were in communion with Marcelo (del Pilar), and who remitted money to him." He also stated that "on account of the bad conduct observed in Madrid by Pilar, ... some of the Compromisarios refused to send him resources."

In reply to a question as to the relationship between the Compromisarios and the Katipunan, he gave as his opinion, that "there could be no doubt that both societies aimed at the same end." At fols. 1118-1129 the same witness affirmed that "as the partisans of Rizal and Pilar ... saw that neither masonry nor the Liga could hope for funds [47], they formed the society of Compromisarios among wealthy persons of Manila and the Provinces."

Domingo Franco affirmed that the outbreak of the revolt came as a great surprise to the Compromisarios.

As to the aims of the society, Moises Salvador y Francisco is authority for the statement that: "in one of the juntas they treated of the provision of arms and other material of war; and it was agreed, moreover, to gather funds for the said expenses, and as the junta replied that it was impossible at that time, a committee was appointed, composed of Jose Ramos, Doroteo Cortes and Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, to draw up a pet.i.tion for the aid of j.a.pan."

Moises also affirmed (fols. 1,296-1,299) that the Supreme Council of the Compromisarios was formed as follows:

President Domingo Franco.

Secretary Apolinario Mabini.

Treasurer Bonifacio Arevalo.

/ Numeriano Adriano.

Vocales + Ambros...o...b..utista.

Moises Salvador.

Domingo Franco (fol. 1,299-1,303) testified that upon the dissolution of the Liga, and in the month of October 1894, there gathered together in a house of the witness, Numeriano Adriano, Apolinario Mabini, Isidoro Francisco, Deodato Arellano and the witness, and it was decided to const.i.tute the a.s.sociation known as the Compromisarios, endeavouring to gather as many as forty members, each paying a monthly subscription of 5 pesos, for the sustainment of the La Solidaridad.

The same witness also testified (fols. 1,332-1,337) that "The Liga and the Katipunan were const.i.tuted in three groups, viz.: the Supreme Council or the aristocracy, under the presidency of Francisco L. Roxas; the Compromisarios or middle cla.s.ses, divided into juntas or local councils.... The third aggregation was the Katipunan under the presidency of Andres Bonifacio, and was composed of the lower cla.s.ses.

From all this we gather that the a.s.sociation of Compromisarios was founded with the idea of collecting funds to continue the work commenced by masonry and the Liga. The a.s.sociation was, practically, a committee formed to take up the work of the Liga, but formed in such a manner as to avoid suspicion, and all compromise with the late Liga. In its formation, its duties and its methods, it differed from both the Liga and from the Katipunan, but whilst differing from them it formed a tie between them, carrying on a work which the Katipunan could not carry on of itself. The Liga died; and its mantle fell upon the Compromisarios. This society inspired, watched over and protected the labor of its successor, the Katipunan, the fighting machine of the separatist or filibuster element.

Note 64. The idea which appeared to pervade the minds of the so-called progressive Filipinos was that with a code of laws a la Europea, the adoption of some or other new fangled idea imported from France, Germany or anywhere but the Peninsular, the Filipino would immediately attain the advancement and culture enjoyed among the j.a.panese. To anyone not acquainted with either the Filipino or the j.a.panese, such an idea might be acceptable; but no student of Oriental races, nor even the mere casual observer of these two peoples, would venture to predict than even with all the advantages of modernism the Filipino now enjoys, will he, as a people, attain to such a state of culture as that enjoyed by the sons of the Empire of the Rising Sun even in a hundred years.

Among the European peoples the progress of civilization and regeneration was slow but it was none the less decisive. Among Orientals it is, as a rule, quick but not lasting. Among almost all Oriental peoples the rising generation is bright and gives signs of great possibilities; but these youths after having pa.s.sed with honors through college and university, too often end their lives as they began them--as children. What the Oriental lacks is stability. Nothing is more common in the Philippines than to find that your cook or coachman has completed four-fifths of his studies as lawyer, doctor or something else. The Filipino who has reached the age of thirty and has not, in these days, been bata [48] in a convent or with a private family, been cochero, cook, collector of accounts for some business house, letter-carrier, postman, policeman, musician in a church choir, fireman, and connected with a few other employments of more or less importance, is by no means a rara avis, to say nothing of the many who have also been majors and generals in the insurgent "army", and without stopping to consider a pair of very prominent natives who from batas in the University of Sto. Tomas have, after a series of political intrigues, risen to positions of law-tinkers over a people, the vast majority of whom hate and despise them.

As a matter of fact the very best of the filipino politicians and other local men of fame, bright, learned and progressive though they be, would count but little side by side with the foremost sons of the Flowery Kingdom. To find in Yokohama, or even in Nagasaki or Kobe, or any other city of j.a.pan, a hundred Rizals, a hundred Pilars (Marcelos, Pios or Gregorios), a hundred Apacibles, or Mabinis, or Aguinaldos, or Buencaminos or Taveras would be an easy task. But to find in the Philippines a Marquis Ito, a Mutsu, a Yamata or a Matsugata,--that is the question.

And why? Because at the time when Spain discovered these islands, finding the people in a state of social and moral degradation, without formal government or any social organization beyond the tribal system (and that but limited) common to almost all savage peoples, the j.a.panese had already counted with more than 1000 years of more or less stable government, always organized, and with a social organization and a firm national unity. The people of j.a.pan, at that time, cultivated the arts and sciences, enjoyed the fruits of prosperous industries and of external commerce. They had a religion and a language which could be written and understood when written. Three hundred years ago, when the Filipinos were just commencing to learn the difference between man and beast, the j.a.panese was enjoying a relative civilization not yet attained by the Chinese, much less by the partisans of the separatist leaders of Luzon and the Visayas.

No country has ever done for her colonial children what Spain did for the Filipinos during the three centuries she held control over the Archipelago; and yet how far are the people from the state of culture of the j.a.panese! Well might the leaders of the people look to j.a.pan as a model!

Note 65. Domingo Franco (fols. 1,332-1,337) testified that on a certain day "he went to see Francisco L. Roxas and asked him if it were certain that he had been to the house of Cortes, and had arranged matters in respect to the Commission which should go to j.a.pan; to which Sr. Roxas replied, yes; and that it was agreed that Cortes should go, commissioned to ask of the j.a.panese Government, help and protection for these islands, (the Filipino Government) handing over as a guarantee, one of the islands near Luzon, which the witness believed to be Mindoro on account of its large size and small population.

"Antonio Salazar (fol. 1,118-1,129) stated that "of the junta of compromisarios there formed part: Cortes, Espanol and Ramos, who were then in j.a.pan pet.i.tioning that Empire to aid them with arms, ships and money...."

Isabelo de los Reyes, in telling the Governor General, Primo de Rivera, what he affirmed to be the truth of the situation in 1897, stated that "the Filipino burguesses had nominated a commission composed of Doroteo Cortes, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, Jose A. Ramos and Marcelo H. del Pilar, the latter of whom died in Barcelona whilst on his way to j.a.pan. This commission had for its object the securing of the protection of that empire; Cortes, as president, gathered funds to sustain Ramos and Isabelo Artacho Vicos, who were his agents in that country."

Note 66. Antonio Salazar (fols. 1,008-1,013) testified that "The year previous he met Timoteo Paez in Calle Echague, and enquired of him if he had moved his residence to Quiapo; Paez replied that he had transferred the members of his family to a house of strong materials, not wishing to leave them in a nipa [49] house in Tondo, as he was going to Singapore, and after encharging the witness to preserve secrecy, told him that he was going there to engage a steamer which was to make a trip to Dapitan to steal away Rizal from that place; moreover that the date upon which Paez went to Singapore might be known by enquiring at the house of Echeita and Co., where the said Paez was engaged, and which conceded him permission to go."

On another occasion this same individual testified (fols. 1,118-1,129) that "the Compromisarios agreed to employ the sum (of money gathered for another purpose) for the purpose of aiding the stealing away of the person of Rizal from Dapitan, for which purpose they sent it (the money) to Timoteo Paez, at Singapore that he might engage a steamer which should go to Dapitan; and as they could not realize the undertaking, they sent the money to Jose Baza who lived in Hong-Kong, and Baza sent the money to Sandakan (in Borneo) so that a ship might be engaged there for the purpose.

On the 13th of January 1895, the Gr. Pres. of the Gr. Cons. Reg., bro. Musa, gr. 18, wrote to the lodge Modestia, as follows:

"A. L. G. D. G. A. D. U.

A la Resp. Log. Modestia No. 199.

S. F. U.

Ven. Maes. Pres.

"Our very beloved bro. Dimas-Alang (Jose Rizal, see foot-note, page 47), who for some time has been, as you know, expiating in Dapitan, faults he has not committed [50], is authorized to change his residence, under the condition that it be in some part of Spain and not in the Archipelago."

"Together with this notice we have received another that the said bro. lacks absolutely the resources for such a long voyage ... etc."

"In virtue of this, I write to you that, bearing in mind what I have explained, you may arrange to be collected from the members, the pecuniary aid they wish and are able to contribute for the meritorious work in question."

The Gr. Pres., Muza.

Jose Dison Matanza testified (fols. 1,132-1,138) that "the Secret Camara of the Katipunan gathered together and decided upon another plan, which was, as Bonifacio told the witness, to embark a large number of people as pa.s.sengers on a ship which was to go to Dapitan; and these when they were upon the high seas, were to surprise the crew and take possession of the ship; they should then steal away Rizal from Dapitan and take him wherever they could."

Note 67. If elsewhere in the history of the workings of separatism in the Philippines, proof were wanting of the cruel deceit practiced by the filibuster leaders upon the ignorants who formed the ma.s.s of the secret a.s.sociations of masonic origin, here in this instance it would be found in abundance. Taking the whole question of the part played by j.a.pan or by individual j.a.panese in the separatist movement from beginning to end I am strongly of the opinion that the supposed a.s.sistance, whether in the form of arms and ammunition, or in that of financial or moral support was a deliberate imposture, and that those credulous persons who contributed with their hard-earned money towards the sums said to have been utilized for propaganda in j.a.pan, were defrauded, not only out of the money they gave to the funds, but also of what they might legitimately hope for as a result of the expenditure of the said funds. It is a well known fact that the hopes of the people were kept up by many statements which were absolutely unfounded [51]; the a.s.sertions of Cortes, Ramos and others who performed the duties of the emba.s.sy to j.a.pan, were most probably of this nature.

The person who, during the trials of those accused of treason, gave the most interesting testimony relative to this matter, was Juan Castaneda. He affirmed that "on account of family troubles, and for questions arising from losses at gambling, and in view of his having robbed his mother, he decided to leave for Hong-Kong, embarking on the SS. Esmeralda, on the 31st of July 1895" [52]. He went on to describe how he there met his friend, the native ex-priest Severo Buenaventura; how the said Buenaventura initiated him into the secrets of freemasonry, and how this native ex-priest had been himself initiated by Ambrosio Flores [53]. That they later on decided to go to j.a.pan sailing on the SS. Natal. That on their arrival at Yokohama they lodged at the house of Jose Ramos, where there also lived Artacho. "During the first days of their stay Ramos and Artacho seemed to look upon them with want of confidence, and hid from them their conversations." He affirmed also that among the visitors to the house of Ramos were a Mr. Hirata, a professor of law, intermediary between Ramos and Prince Konoy, resident in Tokyo, and also, a Mr. Yosida, merchant. He stated also that "to excuse their frequent absence, Ramos and Artacho a.s.sured him that they had been to Tokyo to interview the dignitaries of the Empire, Prince Konoy, General Yamagata and the count of Tokogana, one of the ministers who had been j.a.panese amba.s.sador to the court of Italy. Ramos a.s.sured them that, with these j.a.panese politicians they were arranging the securing of the independence of the Philippines, to which end the j.a.panese offered to land here 100,000 rifles with their ammunition, the cost of which should be paid for in a fixed number of years ... etc., etc."

Isabelo de los Reyes [54] says on this point:

"According to what is said, Ramos interviewed, on several occasions, Prince Konoy, General Yamagata and the Count of Tokogana, who was then a minister. These gentlemen, it seems, were sympathizers with the idea of our independence under the protectorate of j.a.pan, as in Korea, and that they proposed, as a means of gaining it, the fomentation of j.a.panese immigration in the Philippines, and that when once this was attained, the seeking of a conflict with Spain."

Further on he states that: "Some days before the insurrection broke out, Isabelo Artacho brought me a letter from Jose A. Ramos, in which he gave me an account of the efforts they were exerting to influence the leading politicians of j.a.pan, to the end that they should aid us to secure our independence. Artacho told me verbally the details and that he knew that the liberal party of j.a.pan, which then was the opposition, sympathized with the idea, and proposed as a means of attaining it, the seeking of a cause of conflict with Spain, introducing j.a.panese emigrants to that end."

Moises Salvador (fols. 1,138-1,143) stated that according to letters received by Bonifacio Arevalo from Cortes and Ramos, these two had been received by the j.a.panese minister of foreign affairs, to whom they expounded the object of their journey; and as the minister asked them what money they had to cover the expenses of the enterprise, they replied that they would pay their way with the money they should seize, pertaining to the Religions Orders and to the Treasury [55]; and being satisfied, the j.a.panese minister told them they might prepare themselves, for he would send them arms in June or July, to the coast of Luzon, to be disembarked near the island of Polillo...."

That the separatists hoped for, and aimed to secure the aid of j.a.pan is certain; many testified to the fact; but this testimony was more or less hearsay. Certain leading separatists went to j.a.pan to concoct the scheme and were, no doubt, listened to by some more or less prominent persons. This is all the more probable when we remember that the credentials carried by the Commission took the form of a pet.i.tion signed by some 22,000 Filipinos, that is, it bore that number of signatures. [56]

The work of propaganda carried on by certain Filipinos cannot be called into question; but what is very uncertain is whether or not the j.a.panese extended the wished and hoped for a.s.sistance. To be received in interview, and to be heard with attention, are two very different things. A father listens to the idle prattle of his child, but the childish words leave no other impression on his mind than their cuteness merits at the time. This is probably what occurred between Cortes and Ramos and the so-called "official" element of j.a.pan.

Notes 68 and 69. Pio Valenzuela testified (fols. 582-605) that "in the month of May, a student of Law Daniel Aria y Tirona, came to his house and invited him to go to salute the commander of the j.a.panese cruiser the Kongo [57]. That at an hour fixed, there gathered at the Bazar [58], with the witness, Andres Bonifacio, Emilio Jacinto, Jose Dizon and others, who were received by the commander of the cruiser with an air of indifference, and of apparent ridicule.... Bonifacio saluted and welcomed him to the islands, offering his services. The commander replied, thanking them and inviting them to take a voyage to j.a.pan to visit the towns of that country, and enjoy its beautiful climate. Later on they directed a letter to the Commander, Jacinto drawing it up and Bonifacio, Dizon and himself and others signing it; its text was a salutation to the Emperor and Empress of j.a.pan, and a manifestation of a desire to form a part of the said Empire, etc.... With the letter were presented twelve water-melons [59]