"Russia," said Bavorof, "can say that she will act independently with more justice than Italy. She will carefully refrain from an alliance with perfidious Austria and feudal Prussia. Young and vigorous, she is strong enough to make head against the whole Occident united."

"Yes," immediately a.s.sented Pikulinski.

"It would be wiser to avoid the conflict," said Sofronof.

"Yes," said the counsellor of state feebly.

"For my part," said Jacob, "I think it would be a sensible thing for her not to engage in so formidable a combat."

"And why, then?" demanded Bavorof.

At this question Pikulinski accidentally let fall a "yes," which he tried to smother by coughing.

"Poland," replied Jacob, "claims only the liberties guaranteed by legitimate treaties of the past. It would be much better to give them to her, than to reply by terrorism and false claims."

The counsellor of state could scarcely suppress a "yes," which was on the point of coming out; then he feared that he had compromised himself by merely a.s.sisting at this conversation; he was taken with pains in the stomach, and took refuge in another part of the room.

"You are putting yourself in a bad light, monsieur," replied the count.

"We do not recognize any rights whatever on the part of Poland nor the Poles, not even the inherent rights of men. Our first duty is to repress this revolutionary tendency. Our strength sustains us; it is by this that we live. Our sole means of existence are our swords."

"To say that Russia's only power is brute force," replied Jacob, "is to avow her moral weakness."

"Until the present the empire has had no other foundation than force, described by you as brutal. That may change, perhaps; but in the meanwhile I repeat to you our gospel is the sword."

The count's cynicism shocked the colonel, who was more diplomatic.

"Monsieur le Comte," said he, "I cannot entirely agree with you. There are certain hereditary rights which should be superior to force."

Pikulinski almost let fall a "yes," but judged it prudent to await a better occasion.

"Pa.s.sive obedience," continued Jacob, addressing the count, "seems to be your princ.i.p.al axiom."

"Yes, for it is a national axiom, powerful as a religious dogma. Add to that, money, official position, decorations, t.i.tles of n.o.bility, and all advantages which the government can give"--

"Then you speculate on human weaknesses, cupidity, vanity, ambition?"

"You have said it. All the science of statesmen worthy of the name is summed up in working men through their vices. To speculate on virtue is only a dream, a childish illusion. Why? Because in humanity vice always predominates over virtue."

Muse, who practised after her own fashion the maxims of Bavorof, believed, nevertheless, that it would look better for one of her s.e.x to appear shocked, and cried:--

"Oh, Monsieur le Comte, your ideas are really shocking."

"Pardon me, mademoiselle, they were not said for your charming ears."

Pikulinski let fall a loud "yes," being sure that he could not compromise himself this time.

"You know, however," replied Muse, "that just now most of our women are mixed up in politics. We are accustomed to hear everything, and our influence is widespread."

"It is a misfortune. It does not well become your white hands to stir up the filth of life, nor to penetrate, elegant and perfumed, into the laboratory where are prepared the drugs for the maladies of humanity."

Pikulinski thought this remark merited a repeated "yes, yes."

"You think, then," asked Jacob, "that morals should have no part in the government of nations?"

"Morals! There is no sense in the word. Politics exclude morals."

"If that is your profession of faith, all discussion is impossible between us. I believe in morality, always and everywhere, and every time that an injury is done to it I call on the justice of G.o.d."

"G.o.d! Justice! You believe in that? Are you a Catholic?"

"No; I am a Jew."

Bavorof had never met a Jew of this stamp. He looked at him in astonishment, and asked:--

"German Jew?"

"No; Polish."

"Does Poland contain many Jews who think and reason like you?"

"I do not understand the question."

"I mean no offence. I wish to know if there are in Poland many Israelites who are polished and educated."

"There are many better educated and more polished than I."

"Then so much the better. You can exercise a happy influence over the people in curing them of their patriotism without a future, and of their superannuated Catholicism. Eliminate the feudal spirit and that of the n.o.bility, and with these new conditions will come the fusion between Russia and Poland."

"The Jews who are preserved, thanks to their religious faith, cannot employ themselves by tearing out the hearts of others."

"I have, then, the pleasure of talking with a revolutionist."

"Not at all. Though there are circ.u.mstances when men who were most opposed to revolution have taken part in them, in spite of themselves."

"Pardon me," said Sofronof, interrupting him. "The truth is that Poland will never be satisfied. Give her autonomy. She would soon demand the annexation of the provinces included in Russia, Prussia, and Austria.

Give them all that, and they would claim the ports on the Baltic and on the Black sea."

"One thing certain," replied Jacob, "is that Russia never yet has tried to satisfy Poland in any way."

"And Alexander I.?" asked Bavorof.

"Alexander I. promised much and performed little, and that little he has taken back again by the hand of his brother, the Tsarevitch Constantine."

At these words Pikulinski was thoroughly frightened; he was afraid to breathe even the same air with this audacious man. He thought of pretending to have the nose-bleed for a pretext to leave suddenly.

However, he remained.

"And Russia did wrong to promise and make those concessions," replied Bavorof. "Since 1815 it has been necessary to uproot and overthrow Polonism and Catholicism. They must be replaced by the Russian spirit and the orthodox Greek church."