Villiers's narrative of the revolution of La Granja is alluded to in the pa.s.sage next following.]

September 7th, 1836 {p.365}

[Page Head: GEORGE VILLIERS'S DESPATCHES.]

Mrs. Villiers sent me to-day the copies of two despatches of George Villiers's to Palmerston, containing a narrative of the events which took place at St. Ildefonso on the 12th, 13th, and 14th of last month; these he sent to her, because he had not time to write the details all over again. Nothing can be more curious, nothing more interesting, nothing more admirably described, all the details given with great simplicity, extreme clearness, and inimitable liveliness of narration. It reminds one of the scenes enacted during the French Revolution; but as these despatches will probably be published, I shall not be at the pains to give an a.n.a.lysis of them here. It is remarkable how courageously and prudently the Queen seems to have behaved. What energies a difficult crisis called forth! How her spirit and self-possession bore up in the midst of danger and insult, and how she contrived to preserve her dignity even while compelled to make the most humiliating concessions! No romance was ever more interesting than this narrative. George Villiers's correspondence will some day or other make one of the most valuable and entertaining publications that ever appeared, though I shall not live to see it. He writes incomparably well, with a mixture of vivacity and energy peculiarly his own.

September 21st, 1836 {p.365}

I have recorded nothing about the revolutions at Madrid and Lisbon, because I know nothing besides what has appeared in all the newspapers, and it would be very useless to copy facts from their columns. As to private matters, and the exploits or interests of individuals, I only note them as the fancy takes me, and the fancy has not taken me of late. I cannot keep a _journal_--that is, a day by day memorial--and I have an invincible repugnance to making my MS. books the receptacles of scandal, and handing down to posterity (if ever posterity should have an opportunity of seeing and would take the trouble to read these pages) the _private_ faults and follies of my friends, acquaintance, and a.s.sociates.

To-day we had a Council, the first since Parliament was prorogued, when his most gracious Majesty behaved most ungraciously to his confidential servants, whom he certainly does not delight to honour. The last article on the list was a pet.i.tion of Admiral Sartorius praying to be restored to his rank, and when this was read the King, after repeating the usual form of words, added, 'And must be granted. As Captain Napier was restored, so must this gentleman be, for there was this difference between their cases: Admiral Napier knew he was doing wrong, which Admiral Sartorius was not aware of.' Lord Minto said, 'I believe, sir, there was not so much difference between the two cases as your Majesty imagines, for Admiral Sartorius--'

Then followed something which I could not catch, but the King did, for he said, with considerable asperity, 'Unless your Lordship is quite sure of that, I must beg leave to say that I differ from you and do not believe it to be so, but since you have expressed your belief that it is so, I desire you will furnish me with proofs of it immediately. The next time I see you you will be prepared with the proofs of what you say, for unless I see them I shall not believe one word of it.' Minto made no reply to this extraordinary sortie, and the rest looked at each other in silence.

[Page Head: RUDENESS OF THE KING.]

This, however, was nothing compared with what took place at Windsor with the d.u.c.h.ess of Kent, of which I heard something a long time ago (August 30th), but never the particulars till last night. It is very remarkable that the thing has not been more talked about. The King invited the d.u.c.h.ess of Kent to go to Windsor on the 12th of August to celebrate the Queen's birthday (13th), and to stay there over his own birthday, which was to be kept (_privately_) on the 21st (the real day, but falling on Sunday) and _publicly_ the day following. She sent word that she wanted to keep her own birthday at Claremont on the 15th (or whatever the day is), took no notice of the Queen's birthday, but said she would go to Windsor on the 20th. This put the King in a fury; he made, however, no reply, and on the 20th he was in town to prorogue Parliament, having desired that they would not wait dinner for him at Windsor. After the prorogation he went to Kensington Palace to look about it; when he got there he found that the d.u.c.h.ess of Kent had appropriated to her own use a suite of apartments, seventeen in number, for which she had applied last year, and which he had refused to let her have. This increased his ill-humour, already excessive. When he arrived at Windsor and went into the drawing-room (at about ten o'clock at night), where the whole party was a.s.sembled, he went up to the Princess Victoria, took hold of both her hands, and expressed his pleasure at seeing her there and his regret at not seeing her oftener. He then turned to the d.u.c.h.ess and made her a low bow, almost immediately after which he said that 'a most unwarrantable liberty had been taken with one of his palaces; that he had just come from Kensington, where he found apartments had been taken possession of not only without his consent, but contrary to his commands, and that he neither understood nor would endure conduct so disrespectful to him.' This was said loudly, publicly, and in a tone of serious displeasure. It was, however, only the muttering of the storm which was to break the next day. Adolphus Fitzclarence went into his room on Sunday morning, and found him in a state of great excitement. It was his birthday, and though the celebration was what was called private, there were a hundred people at dinner, either belonging to the Court or from the neighbourhood. The d.u.c.h.ess of Kent sat on one side of the King and one of his sisters on the other, the Princess Victoria opposite. Adolphus Fitzclarence sat two or three from the d.u.c.h.ess, and heard every word of what pa.s.sed. After dinner, by the Queen's desire, 'His Majesty's health, and long life to him' was given, and as soon as it was drunk he made a very long speech, in the course of which he poured forth the following extraordinary and _foudroyante_ tirade:--'I trust in G.o.d that my life may be spared for nine months longer, after which period, in the event of my death, no regency would take place. I should then have the satisfaction of leaving the royal authority to the personal exercise of that young lady (pointing to the Princess), the heiress presumptive of the Crown, and not in the hands of a person now near me, who is surrounded by evil advisers and who is herself incompetent to act with propriety in the station in which she would be placed. I have no hesitation in saying that I have been insulted--grossly and continually insulted--by that person, but I am determined to endure no longer a course of behaviour so disrespectful to me. Amongst many other things I have particularly to complain of the manner in which that young lady has been kept away from my Court; she has been repeatedly kept from my drawing-rooms, at which she ought always to have been present, but I am fully resolved that this shall not happen again. I would have her know that I am King, and I am determined to make my authority respected, and for the future I shall insist and command that the Princess do upon all occasions appear at my Court, as it is her duty to do.' He terminated his speech by an allusion to the Princess and her future reign in a tone of paternal interest and affection, which was excellent in its way.

[Page Head: THE KING AND THE d.u.c.h.eSS OF KENT.]

This awful philippic (with a great deal more which I forget) was uttered with a loud voice and excited manner. The Queen looked in deep distress, the Princess burst into tears, and the whole company were aghast. The d.u.c.h.ess of Kent said not a word.

Immediately after they rose and retired, and a terrible scene ensued; the d.u.c.h.ess announced her immediate departure and ordered her carriage, but a sort of reconciliation was patched up, and she was prevailed upon to stay till the next day. The following morning, when the King saw Adolphus, he asked him what people said to his speech. He replied that they thought the d.u.c.h.ess of Kent merited his rebuke, but that it ought not to have been given there; that he ought to have sent for her into his closet, and have said all that he felt and thought there, but not at table before a hundred people. He replied that he did not care where he said it or before whom, that 'by G.o.d he had been insulted by her in a measure that was past all endurance, and he would not stand it any longer.'

Nothing can be more unaccountable than the d.u.c.h.ess of Kent's behaviour to the King, nothing more reprehensible; but his behaviour to her has always been as injudicious and undignified as possible, and this last sortie was monstrous. It was his duty and his right to send for her, and signify to her both his displeasure at the past and his commands for the future; but such a gross and public insult offered to her at his own table, sitting by his side and in the presence of her daughter, admits of no excuse. It was an unparalleled outrage from a man to a woman, from a host to his guest, and to the last degree unbecoming the station they both of them fill. He has never had the firmness and decision of character a due display of which would have obviated the necessity of such bickerings, and his pa.s.sion leads him to these indecent exhibitions, which have not the effect of correcting, and cannot fail to have that of exasperating her, and rendering their mutual relations more hopelessly disagreeable.

November 7th, 1836 {p.369}

An interval of above six weeks. I went to Newmarket on the 3rd of October, returned to town for a Council on Wednesday in the first October week; after the first October meeting I went to Buckenham, after the second to Euston, and after the third came to town. At Buckenham I met Adolphus Fitzclarence, who told me over again the particulars of the scene with the d.u.c.h.ess of Kent, which did not differ materially from what I have put down. He added one item, that the day following the Queen was not ready for dinner, and when dinner was announced and he was waiting he asked, 'Where's the Queen?' They told him she was waiting for the d.u.c.h.ess of Kent, when he said, loud enough for everybody to hear, 'That woman is a nuisance.' He was very angry at King Leopold's coming here, received him very coldly at Windsor, had no conversation with him on business, and on one occasion exhibited a rudeness even to brutality. It seems he hates water-drinkers; G.o.d knows why. One day at dinner Leopold called for water, when the King asked, 'What's that you are drinking, sir?' 'Water, sir.' 'G.o.d d.a.m.n it!' rejoined the other King; 'why don't you drink wine? I never allow anybody to drink water at my table.'

Leopold only dined there, and went away in the evening. All this is very miserable and disgraceful.

Of politics during this period I have heard little or nothing, except that while the Conservatives are feasting and spouting in all parts of the country, and rallying their forces, there is a split among their opponents, an event which was inevitable, considering the different shades of opinion prevailing amongst them, though they hope to reconcile all their differences by the time Parliament meets, which they will probably do, in order to baffle their common enemy. It is, however, a good thing that these differences should arise amongst them. I wish I could see a party formed upon really Conservative principles, determined to maintain the Const.i.tution and steer clear of Tory nonsense and bigotry; but this I doubt to be practicable.

November 8th, 1836 {p.370}

[Page Head: PRINCE ESTERHAZY'S CONVERSATION.]

I dined on Sunday with Cunningham, and met Prince Esterhazy, with whom I had a long conversation. He talked a great deal about the state of Europe, of the bickerings between Palmerston and Louis Philippe on the Spanish question, between England and Russia in the East, and of the position of Austria in the midst of it all; that he had conversed often and at great length with the Emperor of Russia at Prague and with Louis Philippe at Paris, both having talked in the most open manner, and that he was endeavouring (he thought successfully) to bring Palmerston to an amicable tone and feeling, and to effect some sort of compromise with respect to the debated points. Both sovereigns have the same desire to avoid war, and Louis Philippe told him that his object was 'de rendre la guerre impossible,' that no Power could be so much interested as Austria was in restraining the power and ambition of Russia within reasonable bounds, and that the Emperor had held the most moderate language, as he believed with sincerity; that our prejudices against Russia were unreasonably violent, and they arose in some degree from mortification at our own misconduct in letting opportunities slip out of our hands, and throwing advantages and influence into those of Russia, which we were now angry that she availed herself of; but that if we continued to act frankly and firmly in conjunction with Austria and France (France and Austria being perfectly agreed) we should have nothing to fear from Russia. They (the northern Powers) were content that we should exercise an especial influence in the Peninsula; they were aware that these questions were the peculiar concern and interest of France and England, and they did not want to interfere. But for the escape of Don Carlos, which altered the aspect of affairs in Spain, and some trifling points of etiquette which might easily have been adjusted, the Spanish question would have been settled among the Powers long ago, and the Queen recognised by them all.

He said that for a long time past the affairs of Europe had been extensively influenced by personal feelings and individual interests and pa.s.sions, greatly so on Palmerston's own part and very much during the emba.s.sy of the Lievens, Madame de Lieven having been so much influenced by partisanship and by her fluctuating friendships and connections. The Emperor told Esterhazy that it was impossible for him to leave Lieven there, that he was not represented by him as he ought to be, that they in some respects fell short of, and in others went beyond, the line which their duty and his interests demanded. He said that the Emperor Nicholas was a very remarkable man--absolute master, his own Minister, and under no other influence whatever--that his perceptions were just and his ideas remarkably clear, although his views were not very extensive, and the circle within which these ideas ranged was limited, Nesselrode not having a particle of influence; his Ministers and Amba.s.sadors were clerks; and while his ease and affability to foreigners (to him--Esterhazy--in particular) were excessively striking, he treated his Russians with a loftiness that could not be conceived, and one and all trembled in his presence with the crouching humility of slaves.

When he was at Prague he on a sudden set off and travelled with amazing rapidity to Vienna, without giving any notice to anybody.

His object was to visit the Dowager Empress and the tomb of the late Emperor. He alighted at Tatischef's (his Amba.s.sador's), where, as soon as his arrival was known, the Russian ladies who were at Vienna full-dressed themselves and hurried off to pay their _devoirs_. They were met in all their diamonds and feathers on the staircase by Benkendorf, who said, 'Allez-vous en bien vite; l'Empereur ne veut pas voir une seule de vous,' and they were obliged to bustle back with as much alacrity as they had come. Though the best understanding prevailed between the French and Austrian Governments, and the latter is cordially allied with Louis Philippe, there is some sourness and disappointment at the failure of the project of marriage with which the Duke of Orleans went to Vienna. Esterhazy said that it had failed in great measure through an imprudent precipitation; that the Duke had given universal satisfaction, but there were great prejudices to surmount, and the recollection of Marie Antoinette and Marie Louise. He thought the advantages of the match were overrated at Paris, but they were so anxious for it there that the disappointment was considerable; he said he thought that it might still be brought about. These are the few fragments I have retained from the talk we had.

November 13th, 1836 {p.372}

[Page Head: GLOOMY PROSPECTS.]

Nomination of the sheriffs yesterday. Two of the judges--old Park and Alderson--would not send me their lists, nonsensically alleging that it was unconst.i.tutional; all the others did.[8] Old Park is peevish and foolish. The Ministers are come to town, having enough upon their hands; the war in Spain, and approaching downfall of the Christino cause, will be a blow which will shake Palmerston's credit severely, and many think will force him to retire, which, however, I do not expect. Then the nervousness in the City about the monetary state, the disappearance of gold, the cessation of orders from America, and the consequent interruption to trade, and dismissal of thousands of workmen who have been thrown out of employment, present the prospect of a disquieting winter. It is remarkable that all accounts agree in stating that so great is the improvidence of the artisans and manufacturing labourers, that none of those who have been in the receipt of the highest wages have saved anything against the evil days with which they are menaced. Rice affected to be very cheerful yesterday, and said it would all come right. A good deal of alarm, however, prevails in what are called practical quarters.

Then there is a split among the Radicals, some of whom are dissatisfied that Government will not take up their views, and others are affronted at the personal neglect or incivility which they have experienced. As the Ministers disclaim any connection with the Radicals, while existing upon their support, they think it necessary in proof of the first to exclude them from any partic.i.p.ation in those social civilities which Ministers usually dispense to their adherents, and as these patriots are not free from the same stirrings of pride and vanity which are found in other men, they are mortified and disgusted, as well as indignant, at such unworthy usage; they will, however, smooth their ruffled plumage before Parliament meets, for they must support the present Government, and Government will perhaps be a little more cordial, as they can't do without these allies.

[8] [The lists of sheriffs for the ensuing year are commonly handed in by the judges to the Clerk of the Council in the Court of Exchequer on the morrow of St.

Martin.]

November 17th, 1836 {p.373}

I have had two other conversations with Esterhazy at different times. He went to Brighton and saw the King, whom he thought much _baisse_, but I do not know whether it is a proof of it that he could not prevail upon his Majesty to enter upon foreign politics with him. He repeated to me what he had said before of the necessity of a strict and cordial union between Austria and England, and the disposition of the former not to contest our supremacy and influence in the Peninsula, but he harps upon the _mode_ of doing this, which I don't quite understand. I gathered from him, and have heard from other quarters, that Metternich's influence is much diminished, and that the Austrian Cabinet is no longer ruled by him as heretofore, and that there is not the same union: but there would appear to be a very complete union in the Austrian Imperial Family, who cling together from a sense of their common interest, and in great measure from the respect and attachment which they all feel for the memory of the late Emperor. Esterhazy said it was remarkable, considering the condition of the Imperial House--the Emperor[9] in a state bordering on idiocy, not likely to live above four or five years at the outside, and his uncles all men of talent and energy; the next heir, the brother of the Emperor,[10] is a man of competent sense, but the late Emperor's brothers he describes to be all superior men.

[9] [The Emperor Ferdinand, here described, filled the throne until 1848, when he abdicated in the great convulsion of that year; he spent the rest of his life in retirement at Prague, but he survived this prediction nearly forty years.]

[10] [The Archduke Franz Joseph, father of the present Emperor. But this Archduke never filled the throne.]

[Page Head: THE DUKE OF REICHSTADT.]

He told me a great deal about the Duke of Reichstadt, who, if he had lived, would have probably played a great part in the world.

He died of a premature decay, brought on apparently by over-exertion and over-excitement; his talents were very conspicuous, he was _petri d'ambition_, worshipped the memory of his father, and for that reason never liked his mother; his thoughts were incessantly turned towards France, and when he heard of the days of July he said, 'Why was I not there to take my chance?' He evinced great affection and grat.i.tude to his grandfather, who, while he scrupulously observed all his obligations towards Louis Philippe, could not help feeling a secret pride in the aspiring genius and ambition of Napoleon's son. He was well educated, and day and night pored over the history of his father's glorious career. He delighted in military exercises, and not only shone at the head of his regiment, but had already acquired the hereditary art of ingratiating himself with the soldiers. Esterhazy told me one anecdote in particular, which shows the absorbing pa.s.sion of his soul overpowering the usual propensities of his age. He was to make his first appearance in public at a ball at Lady Cowley's (to which he had shown great anxiety to go), and was burning with impatience to amuse himself with dancing and flirting with the beauties he had admired in the Prater. He went, but there he met two French marshals--Marmont and Maison. He had no eyes or ears but for them; from nine in the evening to five the next morning he devoted himself to these marshals, and conversed with them without ceasing. Though he knew well enough all the odium that attached to Marmont, he said to him that he was too happy to have the opportunity of making the acquaintance of one who had been among his father's earliest companions, and who could tell him so many interesting details of his earlier days. Marmont subsequently either did give or was to have given him lessons in strategy.

CHAPTER x.x.xII.

Crisis in the City--The Chancellor of the Exchequer--A Journey to Paris--Lord Lyndhurst in Paris--Princess Lieven--Parties in France--Berryer--The Strasburg Conspirators--Rotten state of France--Presentation at the Tuileries--Ball at the Tuileries-- Bal Musard--Lord Granville--The Duc de Broglie--Position of the Duc d'Orleans--Return to England--Conservative reaction-- Sheil's tirade against Lord Lyndhurst--Lyndhurst as a Tory leader--Angry Debates on Church Rates--The Government on the brink of resignation--Sir R. Peel's prospects--The King and Lord Aylmer--Death of Mrs. Fitzherbert--Ministerial Compromise--Westminster Election--Majority of the Princess Victoria--The King's illness--The King's letter to the Princess--Preparations for the Council--Sir R. Peel on the prospects of the New Reign--Prayers ordered for the King's Recovery--Affairs of Lord Ponsonby--Death of King William IV.-- First Council of Queen Victoria--The Queen proclaimed-- Character of William IV.

1837.

January 6th, 1837 {p.376}

[Page Head: FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES.]

I met Robarts at dinner yesterday, who gave me an account of the alarm which has recently pervaded the City about monetary matters, from the low state of the exchanges, the efflux of gold, and the confusion produced by the embarra.s.sments of the Great Northern and Central Bank. These financial details are not peculiarly interesting in themselves, and are only worth noticing from the light they throw upon the capacity of our rulers, and the estimation in which the Chancellor of the Exchequer is held among the great moneyed authorities.[1] Nothing can in fact be lower than it is. Robarts, a staunch Whig and thick and thin supporter of Government, told me that he was quite unequal to the situation he held; that these embarra.s.sments had been predicted to him, and the remedy pointed out long ago by practical men; that the most eminent bankers in the City--Patterson the Governor of the Bank, Grote, Glyn, himself, and others--had successively been consulted by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and they had all expressed the same opinion and given the same advice; but that he had met their conclusions with a long chain of reasoning founded upon the most fallacious premises, columns of prices of stocks and exchequer-bills in former years, and calculations and conjectures upon these data, which the keen view and sagacious foresight of these men (whose wits are sharpened by the magnitude of their immediate interest in the results, and whose long habits make them so familiar with the details) detected and exposed, not without some feelings both of resentment and contempt for the Minister who clung to his own theories in preference to their practical conclusions. What they originally advised Rice to do was to raise the interest on exchequer-bills, which he refused, and afterwards was compelled to do. Robarts said he had no doubt that if Peel had been in office he would have shown himself equal to cope with the difficulty which Rice had proved himself so incompetent to meet. The raising of the siege of Bilbao will have given Palmerston a lift, but between our foreign and our financial affairs the Ministers will not have an easy session of the next.

[1] Mr. Spring Rice was Chancellor of the Exchequer in Lord Melbourne's second Administration until 1839, when he was raised to the peerage under the t.i.tle of Lord Monteagle of Brandon.

Dover, January 12th, 1837 {p.377}

Having resolved, after many struggles, to go to Paris, here I am on my way, and on arriving find that it blows a hurricane, and there is little or no chance of being able to cross to-morrow; for all I know I may be kept here for the next three days.

January 13th, 1837 {p.377}

I might have gone very well this morning, but was persuaded not to start by the mate of the Government packet, and, like a fool, I listened to him. It was a fine calm morning.