If intrusted with political power at this time they will in all probability use it as much as possible to escape from the legitimate results of the war. Their political principles, as well as their views on the slavery question, are the same as before the war, and all that can be expected of them is that they will submit to actual necessities from which there is no escape.

The State is quiet, in so far as there is no organised guerilla warfare.

Conflicts between whites and blacks are not unfrequent, and in many instances result in bloodshed.

As to the labor question, I believe that the planters of this region have absolutely no conception of what free labor is. I consider them entirely incapable of legislating understandingly upon the subject at the present time.

The organization of labor in this State, especially in the interior, has so far, in most cases, been left to the planters and freedmen themselves, the organization of the Freedmen's Bureau being as yet quite imperfect. A great many contracts have been made between planters and freedmen, some of which were approved by the military authorities and some were not.

General Wilde, the princ.i.p.al agent of the Freedmen's Bureau in this State, is, in my opinion, entirely unfit for the discharge of the duties inc.u.mbent upon him. He displays much vigor where it is not wanted, and shows but very little judgment where it is wanted. Until the Freedmen's Bureau will be sufficiently organized in this State I deem it necessary to temporarily intrust the provost marshals, now being stationed all over the State, one to every four counties, with the discharge of its functions, especially as concerns the making of contracts and the adjustment of difficulties between whites and blacks.

I deem it impracticable to refer such difficulties for adjustment to such civil courts as can at present be organized in this State. It would be like leaving each party to decide the case for itself, and would undoubtedly at once result in a free fight. It will be so until the people of this State have a more accurate idea of the rights of the freedmen. The military power is, in my opinion, the only tribunal which, under existing circ.u.mstances, can decide difficulties between whites and blacks to the satisfaction of both parties and can make its decisions respected.

As for the restoration of civil power in this State, I apprehend it cannot be done without leading to the necessity of frequent interference on the part of the military until the sentiments of the people of Georgia have undergone a very great change.

This memorandum was read to General Steedman by me and he authorized me to submit it in this form to the President.

C. SCHURZ.

No. 7.

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF COLUMBUS,

_Macon, Georgia, August_ 14, 1885.

General: There are no loyal people in Georgia, except the negroes; nor are there any considerable number who would under any circ.u.mstances offer armed resistance to the national authority. An officer, without arms or escort, could arrest any man in the State. But, while their submission is thus complete and universal, it is not a matter of choice, but a stern necessity which they deplore.

If allowed they will readily reorganize their State government and administer it upon correct principles, except in matters pertaining to their former slaves. On this subject they admit the abolition of the inst.i.tution, and will so frame their const.i.tution, hoping thereby to procure their recognition as a State government, when they will at once, by legislation, reduce the freedmen to a condition worse than slavery. Yet while they will not recognize the rights of their former slaves themselves, they will submit to its full recognition by the national government, which can do just as it pleases and no resistance will be offered. My own clear opinion is, it will have to do everything that may be necessary to secure real practical freedom to the former slaves.

The disturbances at present are chiefly due, I think, to the swarm of vagrants thrown upon society by the disbanding of the rebel armies and the emanc.i.p.ation of the slaves at a season of the year when it is difficult for those who seek to find employment.

After the 1st of January I apprehend no trouble, as the culture of the next crop will absorb all the labor of the country. In the interim a great deal of care and diligence will be required. Hence I recommend the importance of sending men of energy and business capacity to manage the affairs of the Freedmen's Bureau.

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOHN T. CROXTON, _Brigadier General United States_.

General CARL SCHURZ.

No. 8.

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF,

_New Orleans, June_ 20, 1865.

Sir: I have the honor to transmit for your consideration a copy of the correspondence between the governor of Louisiana and myself touching the relations between the State and the military authorities in this department.

The instructions upon this subject are, and probably designedly, indefinite. They indicate, however, the acceptance by the President of the const.i.tution of the State, adopted in September, 1864, as the means of re-establishing civil government in the State and the recognition of the governor as his agent in accomplishing this work. The same principle gives validity to such of the State laws as are not in conflict with this const.i.tution, or repealed by congressional legislation, or abrogated by the President's proclamation or orders issued during the rebellion.

This leaves many questions undetermined, except so far as they are settled by the law of nations and the laws of war, so far as my authority extends.

I will turn over all such questions to the State government; and in cases that do not come within the legitimate authority of a military commander, will report them for such action as his excellency the President, or the War Department, may think proper to adopt.

I have had a very free conference with the governor upon this subject, and I believe that he concurs with me that the course I have indicated in the correspondence with him is not only the legal but the only course that will avoid the appeals to the local courts by interested or designing men, which are now dividing those who profess to be working for the same object--the re-establishment of civil authority throughout the State.

Then, in addition, many questions, in which the interests of the government are directly involved, or in which the relations of the general government to the States, as affected by the rebellion, are left unsettled by any adequate legislation. I do not think it will be wise to commit any of these questions, either directly or indirectly, to the jurisdiction of the State or other local courts, and will not so commit them unless instructed to do so.

It is very possible that in the varied and complicated questions that will come up there may be differences of opinion between the governor and myself, but there shall be no discord of action, and I will give to his efforts the fullest support in my power.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir,

E.R.S. CANBY, _Major General Commanding_.

The SECRETARY OF WAR, _Washington, D.C._

Official copy:

R. DES ANGES, _Major, A.A.G._

STATE OF LOUISIANA, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,

_New Orleans, June_ 10, 1865.

General: There is a cla.s.s of officers holding and exercising the duties of civil officers in this State who claim to hold their right to the same by virtue of deriving their appointment from military authority exercised either by General Shepley as military governor, or Michael Hahn, and in some cases by Major General Banks, commander of the department of the Gulf. These men resist my power to remove on the ground that I am not clothed with military power, although the offices they fill are strictly civil offices, and the power of appointing to the same to fill vacancies (which constructively exist until the office is filled according to law) is one of my prerogatives as civil governor. To dispossess these men by legal process involves delay and trouble. Many of the persons so holding office are obnoxious to the charges of official misconduct and of obstructing my efforts to re-establish civil government.

For the purpose, therefore, of settling the question, and relieving the civil government of the State from the obstructions to its progress caused by the opposition of these men, I would respectfully suggest to you, general, the expediency of your issuing an order revoking all appointments made by military or semi-military authority to civil offices in this State prior to the 4th of March, 1865, the date on which I a.s.sumed the duties of governor. I fix that date because it is only since that period the governor has been confined to strictly civil powers, and what military power has been exercised since in appointments to office has been from necessity and was unavoidable.

I throw out these suggestions, general, for your consideration. On my recent visit to the capital I had full and free conversation with President Johnson on the subject of reorganizing civil government in Louisiana, and while deprecating the interference of military power in civil government beyond the point of actual necessity, yet he fully appreciated the difficulties of my position, and a.s.sured me that I should be sustained by him in all necessary and legal measures to organize and uphold civil government.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, &c.,

J. MADISON WELLS, _Governor of Louisiana_.

Major General E.R.S. CANBY, _Commanding Department of the Gulf_.

Official copy:

R. DES ANGES, _Major, A.A.G._

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF,

_New Orleans, June_ 19, 1865.