If elected, I will heartily co-operate with the President in his policy of reconstruction, for I am bitterly opposed to conferring the right of suffrage upon the negro. I believe it to be the right of the States to settle that matter.

The radicals of the north now contend that they have a right to confer the right of suffrage on the negro, and we must at this hour support the President in approving that idea; if not, he will be overpowered, and that will be the result.

In conclusion, if honored with an election I pledge myself to exert every energy in my power in behalf of the State and district.

At the conclusion of the remarks of Judge Evans, loud and repeated calls for Colonel Patridge brought that gentleman to his feet. He was received with much applause, which was somewhat protracted, showing the favor in which he was held by the audience. Upon rising and attempting to speak from his place on the floor, loud and urgent calls demanded that he should take the stand. Colonel Patridge replied that he would not take the stand until he met his compet.i.tor there.

REMARKS OF COLONEL PATRIDGE.

He said that as a public journalist he had gone in and out before this people for many years. His views were as well known as those of any man who ever approached the people, asking their suffrage. He was a union man before the war, and a soldier in the war. He had performed his duty as a private and an officer, on the battle field and on the staff. At the close of the struggle, terminating as it had in our overthrow, he had used his entire exertions to speedily restore Mississippi to her former relations with the federal government. The convention had done this, in entire accordance with the views he had entertained, and if elected to the legislature, he should finish the work in the same spirit, and carry out fully the policy of the convention.

So far as the question of admitting the testimony of negroes into our courts was concerned, he expressed no opinion upon it, as a separate question. He had as many prejudices as other southern men. But in his public acts he had always endeavored to discard prejudice. He looked to the happiness and welfare of the people. But there was one phase of the negro testimony question which was settled. The negro was already regarded as a competent witness. He alluded to the cases which, by an act of Congress, came under the jurisdiction of the Freedmen's Bureau. The question was not whether their testimony should be received or not. It was already received. The question was whether, in receiving it, it shall be received before our own civil magistrates or juries, or before the provost marshals of the Freedmen's Bureau. He had no hesitation in expressing himself in favor of the former. He was opposed to all systems of repudiation, whether styled stay laws, bankrupt laws, or insolvent acts, and in general was in favor of placing Mississippi in the front rank of States. He desired to see our congressmen admitted at the next session, and to that end would do all in his power to promote the policy of President Johnson for the rehabilitation which it was understood was the ultimatum. His remarks, which were exceedingly well received, were continued for fifteen or twenty minutes, at the close of which he announced himself ready to meet his compet.i.tor, whom he spoke of in high terms, at any time to discuss the momentous issues devolving upon the next legislature.

No. 15.

_To the voters of the sixth judicial district, composed of the counties of Lowndes, Oktibbeha, Noxubee, Neshoba, Kemper, and Winston_:

Until the spring of 1861 I was a citizen of Kentucky, but my native State having elected to abide by the fortunes of the Union in the tremendous struggle that has lately terminated, while all my sympathies and instincts bound me to the southern people, I a.s.sumed new relations so far as citizenship was concerned, and for the last three years have been a resident of Mississippi. I entered the army as a private soldier, and until the end of the conflict sustained, what I knew in the beginning to be, a desperate and doubtful cause. I went down in battle, never to rise up again a sound man, upon the frontier of this broad abounding land of yours. I therefore cannot feel that I am an alien in your midst, and, with something of confidence as to the result, appeal to you for your suffrages for the office of district attorney. I am as fully identified with the interests of Mississippi as it is possible for any one to be, and in my humble way, will strive as earnestly as any one to restore her lost franchises and lost prosperity. In former years I held in Kentucky a position similar to the one I now seek at your hands, and I hope that I violate no rule of propriety in saying that I deem myself equal to its duties and responsibilities.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

JNO. T. HOGAN.

P.S.--Owing to the fact that I have but little acquaintance with the people of the sixth district, outside of the county of Lowndes, I will address them at different points so soon as I can prepare and publish a list of appointments.

J.T.H.

Columbus, _Mississippi, August_ 26, 1865.

No. 16.

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF LOUISIANA, OFFICE OF PROVOST MARSHAL GENERAL,

_New Orleans, La., September_ 12, 1865.

General: In the matter of the investigation ordered to be made in relation to the loyalty of certain members of the board of public schools of this city, I have the honor to report as follows:

Thomas Sloo, in his capacity as president of the "Sun Mutual Insurance Company," subscribed fifty thousand dollars towards the confederate loan.

John I. Adams, a prominent and influential merchant, left this city immediately on the arrival of the federal forces, and did not return until the final overthrow of the rebellion. He presented a piece of ordnance, manufactured at his own expense, to the "Washington Artillery," to be used against the government of the United States. He also was a subscriber to the rebel loan.

Glendy Burke and George Ruleff, the former at one time a prominent politician, the latter a wealthy merchant, sent their sons into the confederacy, while they remained at home, refusing to a.s.sist in any way in the reorganization of the State government, and showing their contempt for the United States government and its const.i.tuted authorities. Their conduct was far from being loyal and patriotic; a.s.sociating only with the avowed enemies of the government.

Edwin L. Jewell, editor and proprietor of the "Star" newspaper, is not a citizen of New Orleans. Previous to the rebellion he was a resident of the parish of Point Coupee, where he edited a newspaper, noted only for its bitter and violent opposition to the government and the strong and ardent manner in which it enunciated the principles of secession. He has only lately arrived here, and has not resided in the city for a sufficient length of time to ent.i.tle him to the rights of citizenship.

David McCoard is cla.s.sed with those whose conduct throughout the war has been intent only in misrepresenting the government and treating its representatives with contumely.

Dr. Alfred Perry has served four years in the confederate army. Comment is unnecessary.

Messrs. Keep, Viavant, Turpise, Toyes, Holliday, Bear, Walsh, Moore and Ducongel, all contributed more or less in money and influence towards establishing a government hostile and inimical to the United States.

Dr. Holliday was at one time acting as surgeon in a rebel camp. (Moore.)

Mr. Rodgers, the candidate for the position of superintendent of public schools, held the same office at the commencement of the war. His conduct at that time was imbued with extreme bitterness and hate towards the United States, and in his capacity as superintendent he introduced the "Bonnie Blue Flag" and other rebel songs into the exercises of the schools under his charge. In histories and other books, where the initials "U.S."

occurred, he had the same erased and "C.S." subst.i.tuted. He used all means in his power to imbue the minds of the youths intrusted to his care with hate and malignity towards the Union. He has just returned from the late confederacy, where he has resided during the war. At the time he left the city to join the rebel army he left his property in the care of one Finley, who claims to be a British subject, but held the position of sergeant in a confederate regiment of militia.

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

CHAS. W. LOWELL, _Major 80th United States Colored Infantry and Provost Marshal General_.

Major General E.R.S. CANBY, _Commanding Department_.

No. 17.

[From the New Orleans Times, September 12, 1865.]

THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS.

To the citizens of New Orleans our public schools have long been a cherished and peculiar interest. They have been regarded with pride, fostered with peculiar care, and looked up to as a source of future greatness. In their first organization, Samuel J. Peters, and those who acted with him, had to contend against the popular prejudices of the day, for parental pride--sometimes stronger than common sense--was shocked at the thought of an educational establishment in which the children of all cla.s.ses of citizens met on a common level, and the difference between free schools and charity schools was not very readily discerned. Those prejudices, however, wore gradually away, and the free schools increased in numbers and efficiency till they were regarded by rich and poor with equal interest. Pride withdrew its frown and put on a patronizing smile.

The children of the cavalier sat beside those of the roundhead, and heterogeneous differences of race were extinguished by a h.o.m.ogeneous fellowship.

For years previous to the war our public schools occupied a high position.

No political or sectarian dogmas were taught. In politics and religion children naturally incline to the opinions of their parents, and it is well that they do so; for if the reverse were the case, there would be many divided households, which, under existing arrangements, are harmonious and happy. The teachers taught those branches only which are set down in the educational programme, and the knowledge they imparted was necessary, not only for the appreciation but for the preservation of our free form of government. It is true that schoolmasters, like other people, have their own notions of right and wrong--their own political and religious opinions--but we speak what we know when we state that up to the time of the rebellion no attempt was made to give the minds of the pupils in the public schools of New Orleans either a political or religious bias.

Some incline to the opinion that the duties of the educational trust would have been more effectively performed had patriotic politics been made a prominent branch of study; but to such a course innumerable objections would have arisen. Patriotism does not always wear the same mantle, or point in the same direction. It accommodates itself to the peculiarities of different countries and forms of government. Sometimes it is a holy principle--sometimes a mere party catchword with no more real meaning than can be attached to the echo of an echo.

After the city was redeemed from rebel rule an earnest effort was made to include loyalty among the branches of our popular education, and tests were applied with perhaps an unnecessary degree of rigor. For this the excited state of public opinion, arising from the civil strife which then prevailed, was the sole excuse. Some seeds of bitterness were unfortunately sown. The antagonism of parents were repeated and intensified in the children, and love of country proved weak when compared with hatred of the rebels. Such enthusiastic displays, such hoistings of flags, such singings of patriotic songs were never known before. This made the children very loyal, but exceedingly revengeful and unchildlike. The divine advice, "love your enemy," they would have p.r.o.nounced the height of madness, if not wickedness. In short, they were introduced before their time into the arena of political perplexities. For all this the teacher was perhaps not very much to blame. He was swept on by a current which he could not resist even if he would. A "higher law," irresponsible at the time, and backed up by the persuasive bayonet, was an authority which brooked no resistance. He merely obeyed orders and earned his daily bread.

Under these circ.u.mstances it is not to be wondered at that the public schools lost a portion of their previous popularity, and, notwithstanding the diminished financial resources of our citizens, private schools multiplied among them beyond all precedent.

An effort is now made to get the schools once more under popular control, and render them what they were originally intended to be--mere educational inst.i.tutions. To this end a school board has been appointed, but as soon as it undertook to act it was met, as to certain members, by a question of loyalty, raised, in all probability, by some interested party, who, being without offence himself, thought proper to fling a few stones at his offending neighbors. If there be any disloyalty in the board we trust that it will be speedily purged thereof, but, knowing most of the members, we greatly doubt that any such bill of indictment can be sustained. At any rate, a week has elapsed since the charge was made, and we imagine it will be disposed of before the meeting takes place, which was appointed for to-morrow evening.

One of our contemporaries, in his edition of yesterday evening, states, on the strength of a positive a.s.surance, "that his excellency J. Madison Wells has been appointed provisional governor of Louisiana;" that his commission is here awaiting his acceptance, and that he "will probably order an election for members of a const.i.tutional convention" soon after he returns to the city. If this proves so, it will create quite a stir in the political world hereabout. At the bare mention of "const.i.tutional convention" a shudder involuntary creeps over us, visions of bankrupt treasuries present themselves, new species of taxation to frighten our patient but impoverished people, and a general "brandy and cigar"

saturnalia for our disinterested and immensely patriotic politicians. But of this we suppose we need have no fear. The funds are deficient.

No. 18.

HEADQUARTERS SUB-DISTRICT OF JACKSON,

_Jackson, Mississippi, September_ 17, 1865.

Major: I would respectfully make the following report as to what I saw and learned by conversing with officers and citizens during my recent visit to the northwest part of this sub-district, particularly in Holmes county.