VII. Philopmen, as may be supposed, gained great glory by this action. Antigonus was eager to obtain his services, and offered him a command and high pay, but he excused himself, knowing that his temper would not endure to be under the orders of another man. Still, as he could not be idle, he sailed for Crete to serve a campaign there, in order to gain experience of war. He spent a considerable time there, living amongst warlike, sober, and temperate men, and returned to the Achaeans with so great a reputation that they at once put him in command of the knights. These hors.e.m.e.n, he found, were in the habit of using any chance horses they could pick up when required for a campaign, while in many cases they did not serve in person, but sent subst.i.tutes. They were entirely without discipline or bravery, while all this was pa.s.sed over unnoticed by their commanders, because the knights were the most influential men among the Achaeans, and were able to promote or degrade whom they pleased. Philopmen, however, could not allow this state of things to continue. He went round to each of the cities of the Achaean League, and by personally appealing to the young men's sense of honour, by punishment where it was necessary, and by careful training, exercises, and contests among them before as many spectators as possible, in a short time produced great efficiency and military spirit. He made them quick at manuvring in squadrons, and in wheeling round and managing their horses, which is so valuable a quality in cavalry soldiers, and taught the whole body to move with ease at the will of one man. Once during a severe battle with the Eleans and aetolians on the banks of the river Larissa, Damophantus, the commander of the Elean horse, rode furiously to attack Philopmen.

He awaited Damophantus's onset, and with his spear thrust him from his saddle. When he fell the Eleans at once turned and fled, to the great glory of Philopmen, who had proved himself as brave as the youngest and as skilful as the oldest soldier, equally able to fight or to command.

VIII. The Achaean League was first organised by Aratus, who formed its scattered and despicable cities into a n.o.ble and truly Greek commonwealth; then, as in running streams, when first a few small stones resist the flow of the water, soon much more is brought down by the stream and lodged against them until a firm ground is formed; so did the Achaeans, by a.s.sisting some of the neighbouring cities and freeing them from despots, and by uniting and incorporating others with themselves, endeavour to combine the whole of Peloponnesus into one single state, at a time when Greece was especially weak, having lost all cohesion, each city relying solely on itself. While Aratus lived they depended much on the Macedonians, courting first Ptolemy, then Antigonus and Philip, who all were constantly interfering in the affairs of Greece. But when Philopmen came to command they already felt themselves a match for the most powerful states, and no longer paid their court to foreign patrons. Aratus, who was no soldier, had effected most of his successes by suave diplomacy and personal friendship with foreign princes, as we have written in his Life: but Philopmen, a brave and vigorous, and, what is more, an eminently successful commander in his first essays, greatly raised the spirit and the strength of the Achaeans, by making them confident of victory under his leadership.

IX. His first task was to alter the military equipment and arms of the Achaeans. They had hitherto used light shields, too narrow to protect the body, and spears much smaller than the long Macedonian pike. This light armament rendered them effective as skirmishers, but unable to hold their own in close fighting. Their order of battle, too, was loose and without cohesion, having neither the projecting pikes nor the serried shields of the Macedonian phalanx, in consequence of which they were easily thrust aside and routed. Philopmen pointed this out to them, and persuaded them to adopt the heavy shield and pike in place of their light arms, to accoutre themselves with helmet, corslet, and greaves, and to endeavour to move in a steady unbroken ma.s.s instead of in a loose irregular skirmishing order. When he had induced them to put on complete armour he raised their spirit by telling them that they would be unconquerable, while he also effected a most wholesome change in their luxurious habits of life. It was impossible entirely to do away with their long-standing pa.s.sion for fine purple robes and tapestry, rich banquets, and furniture: but he directed this love of finery to useful purposes, and soon brought them all to retrench their private expenditure, and to take a pride in the splendour of their military equipments. Their plate was sent to the crucible, and employed to gild corslets, shields, and caparisons; their public places were full of young men training chargers or exercising themselves in arms, while the women were busy fitting plumes to helmets, and ornamenting buff coats and military cloaks. The sight of all this activity roused up their courage, and made them eager for battle. In all other cases too much care for outward show and display leads to effeminacy and luxury, because the pleasure which our senses receive from these things blunt our better judgment, but in military matters this is not so, for a splendid appearance under arms increases men's courage; as Homer tells us that Achilles, when his new arms were brought to him, was at once excited by a vehement desire to make use of them. The youth, thus equipped, were incessantly exercised and practised in their new manuvres, which they performed with zealous goodwill, being delighted with the close formation of the phalanx, which seemed as though it could never be broken. They soon began to move with ease in their heavy armour, priding themselves upon its splendour, and longing to prove its value in battle against their enemies. The Achaeans at this time were at war with Machanidas the despot of Lacedaemon, who had immense resources at his disposal, and menaced the whole of Peloponnesus. As soon as news came that he had invaded Arcadia and had reached Mantinea, Philopmen with his army marched rapidly to attack him. Both sides drew up their forces near the city of Mantinea, and both brought into the field not only nearly all their own countrymen, but also large bodies of foreign mercenary troops. Machanidas began the battle by a charge of his mercenaries, who routed the Tarentines and other light troops of the Achaeans, but then instead of moving at once to attack and overwhelm their main body, hurried away in pursuit, leaving the Achaean phalanx standing untouched. Philopmen made light of the disaster which had happened to the light troops, and, perceiving the fault which the enemy had committed in leaving their heavy infantry unprotected, so that he had an open plain over which to march against them, disregarded those Lacedaemonians who were pursuing his own auxiliaries, and bore straight down upon their main body, which he took in flank, without any cavalry to protect it, or any general to give it orders, as the men did not expect to be attacked, and imagined that the victory was already won when they saw Machanidas so eager in the pursuit. Philopmen broke and routed them with great slaughter, four thousand men being said to have perished, and then turned to encounter Machanidas, who was returning with his mercenaries, and found his retreat cut off. A deep and wide watercourse here divided the two leaders, the one of whom endeavoured to pa.s.s it and escape, while the other tried to prevent this. They looked no longer like two generals, but the despot seemed more like some savage beast driven to bay by Philopmen, that mighty hunter. At length the despot spurred his horse, a fiery animal, to attempt the leap. The horse gained the other bank with its fore feet, and was struggling up it, when Simias and Polyaenus, the constant companions and aides-de-camp of Philopmen, rode to attack him with levelled lances. Philopmen, however, came up with Machanidas before them.

Seeing that the despot's horse was rearing its head so as to protect its master's body, he turned his own horse a little to one side, and, seizing his lance firmly with both hands, drove it through his body and cast him from his horse. It is in this posture that Philopmen is represented in the statue at Delphi, which was placed there by the Achaeans in token of their admiration of his courage and conduct on that day.

XI. It is said that when the Greeks were a.s.sembled at the Nemean Games, Philopmen, who had been elected commander-in-chief for the second time, and not long before had won his victory at Mantinea, being at leisure during the festival displayed his phalanx to the Greeks, with the troops drawn up in their serried array, and manuvring with quickness and precision. Afterwards, while the musicians were contending for the prize in the theatre he entered it accompanied by his young soldiers in their military cloaks and purple uniform, all of them strong men in the prime of life, showing a modest respect for their general, combined with a martial bearing due to their many brave feats of arms. Just as they came into the theatre Pylades the musician began to recite the 'Persians' of Timotheus

"He wrought for Greece a n.o.ble work of freedom"

in a loud voice and with suitable solemnity. At this, all the spectators turned their eyes upon Philopmen and broke into joyous applause, remembering the ancient glories of Greece, and feeling such confidence in him as almost to recover the ancient spirit of their nation.

XII. But just as horses like their accustomed rider, and if another mounts them are scared and unmanageable, so the power of the Achaeans become feeble under any other general than Philopmen. When they saw him, the whole army rejoiced, and were filled with cheerful confidence, well knowing that he was the only one of their generals before whom the enemy always fled, terrified by his name, as, indeed, appeared by their acts. For Philip king of Macedon, thinking that if Philopmen were put out of the way, the Achaeans would become subject to himself as they were before, sent men privately to Argos to a.s.sa.s.sinate him: but his plot was disclosed, and he became an object of universal hatred to the Greeks. The Botians too, when they were besieging Megara and were expecting shortly to take it, retreated in such hot haste that they actually left their scaling ladders planted against the walls, in consequence of a rumour, which proved a false one, that Philopmen was coming to raise the siege and was close at hand. When Nabis, who became despot over the Lacedaemonians after Machanidas, by a sudden attack captured the town of Messene, Philopmen was not holding any office, but was a mere private citizen.

He could not prevail upon Lysippus, who was commander-in-chief of the Achaeans, to go to a.s.sist the Messenians, because the latter said that the city must be lost if the enemy were inside the walls. Hereupon Philopmen went himself to the rescue with the men of his own city, who did not delay for any formal vote to empower him to do so, but followed him because he was born to command. When Nabis heard of his approach he would not await his coming, but although he was in possession of the city he marched out by the opposite gate with all speed, thinking that he would be fortunate if he reached home safe, as indeed he did. Thus was Messene delivered.

XIII. All these exploits of Philopmen are without doubt glorious to him; but he was much blamed for going a second time to Crete at the request of the people of Gortyna, to act as their general, leaving his own country to be attacked by Nabis, because he avoided the war at home to gather unseasonable laurels abroad. Indeed, the citizens of Megalopolis were so hard pressed at that period as to be forced to live entirely within their walls, and grow corn in the very streets, as they were quite cut off from their fields by the enemy, who was encamped before the gates. Philopmen, by his remaining beyond seas at this time acting as general for the Cretans, gave his enemies an opportunity of charging him with dishonourably shirking the war at home. Some, however, said that since the Achaeans had chosen other men generals, Philopmen, who had no office to fill, had a right to use his leisure in acting as general to the people of Gortyna when they begged him to do so. Indeed, his nature abhorred rest, and he desired his courage and generalship to be in constant action, like everything else belonging to him. This is clearly shown by his saying about king Ptolemy. When some one praised that prince for carefully training his army and exercising himself under arms every day, Philopmen answered, "Who can admire a king of Ptolemy's age who is still practising and not performing." However, the citizens of Megalopolis were much vexed by his conduct, which they considered to be that of a traitor, and would have banished him had they not been restrained by the whole body of the Achaeans. They sent the general Aristaenetus to Megalopolis, who, although he was politically opposed to Philopmen, would not allow sentence of banishment to be pa.s.sed against him. After this Philopmen, being treated with neglect and indifference by his fellow-citizens, induced many of the outlying villages to rebel against the city, telling them to say that they were not originally made subject to it, and he himself openly took their part against his own city when the matter was referred to the general council of the Achaean league. But these things happened afterwards. At the time of which we speak he carried on war in Crete with the Gortynians, not in a simple straightforward manner, as one would expect a Peloponnesian, and especially an Arcadian would do, but he adopted the Cretan character, and by using all their subtle devices and ambushes against themselves, proved that such contrivances are but child's play when tried against a truly experienced general.

XIV. Returning to Peloponnesus with a great reputation from his Cretan successes, he found Philip beaten by t.i.tus Quintius, and Nabis at war both with the Romans and the Achaeans. He was at once elected general to attack Nabis, and in a sea fight suffered the same misfortune as Epameinondas, that is to say, he effected much less at sea than was expected of a man of his courage and reputation.

Indeed some writers tell us that Epameinondas was unwilling that his countrymen should taste the advantages of the sea, and fearing that, as Plato says, they might from steady soldiers be transformed into licentious wandering sailors, purposely returned from the coast of Asia Minor and the islands without having effected anything.

Philopmen, imagining that his knowledge of war on land would enable him to fight equally well at sea, learned by experience how greatly practice a.s.sists men's courage, and how much their strength is increased by being trained to use it. Not only was he worsted in a sea-fight through inexperience, but having selected an old ship, which had once been a famous vessel, but now was forty years old, she leaked so much as to endanger the lives of those on board. After the action, finding that the enemy despised him, as though his ships had been entirely driven from the sea, and that they were ostentatiously besieging Gythium, he sailed straightway thither and found them quite unprepared, and with their discipline relaxed in consequence of their victory. He landed his men at night, burned the enemy's tents, and slew many of them. A few days afterwards, being surprised by Nabis in a mountainous spot, while all the Achaeans gave themselves up for lost, despairing of extricating themselves from such a difficult position, Philopmen, after a short survey of the country, proved that strategy is the greatest of military qualities. He quietly and steadily changed his front, manuvred his army out of its disadvantageous position, attacked the enemy, and completely routed them. Perceiving that the fugitives did not make for the city, but scattered themselves all over the country, which was hilly and wooded, full of torrents and precipices, and impa.s.sable for cavalry, he made no pursuit, but encamped before dark. As he conjectured that the enemy after their rout would straggle back into the city by twos and threes under cover of the darkness, he concealed many of the Achaeans, armed with daggers, in the rough ground near the city. By this stratagem Nabis's force suffered great losses, for as they did not retreat in a body, but each man as best he could, they fell into their foemen's hands at the city gate like birds into a snare.

XV. Philopmen gained so much glory by these exploits, and was so much honoured by the Greeks wherever he appeared in public, that he roused the jealousy of Flamininus, who thought that he, a consul of Rome, was worthier of respect than a mere Arcadian, while he had moreover done much more for Greece, having by one proclamation restored those liberties of which Philip and his Macedonians had deprived it.

Flamininus put an end to the war with Nabis, who was shortly afterwards a.s.sa.s.sinated by the aetolians. As this event threw Sparta into disorder, Philopmen seized the opportunity, marched thither with an army, and partly by persuasion, partly by force, prevailed upon the city to join the Achaean league. This wonderfully raised his fame throughout Greece, that he should have won over so famous and powerful a city, for Sparta formed a most important member of the league. He also gained the good will of the Lacedaemonian n.o.bles, who hoped that he would protect their newly-won liberty. They sold the house and property of Nabis, and decreed that the money, amounting to a hundred and twenty talents, should be presented to him by a deputation. On this occasion Philopmen showed himself to be a man of real virtue.

At the interview none of the Spartans liked to propose to him to receive the money, but they excused themselves, and made his own especial friend Timolaus undertake to do this. Timolaus, however, when he reached Megalopolis, and living in the house of Philopmen had an opportunity of observing the n.o.ble simplicity of his character and his lofty integrity, in the familiar intercourse of private life, dared not mention the bribe, but gave some other excuse for his visit and returned home. He was sent a second time, with the same result. On a third visit he with great hesitation broached the subject. Philopmen listened to him without anger, and sent him back to the Spartans with the advice that they should not corrupt their friends, whose services they could obtain gratis, but keep their money to bribe those who endeavoured to countermine their city in the public a.s.sembly of the Achaean league, as, if muzzled in this way, they would cease to oppose them. It was better, he added, to restrain the freedom of speech of their enemies than that of their friends. So uncorrupt was he, and inaccessible to bribes.

XVI. When Diophanes, the commander-in-chief of the Achaeans, endeavoured to punish the Lacedaemonians for a change in their policy, and they by their resistance threw the whole of Peloponnesus into confusion, Philopmen tried to act as mediator, and to soothe the anger of Diophanes, pointing out to him that at a time when the Romans and king Antiochus with enormous forces were about to make Greece their battle ground, a general ought to direct all his thoughts to their movements, and to avoid any internal disturbance, willingly accepting any apologies from those who did wrong. But as Diophanes took no notice of him, but together with Flamininus invaded Laconia, Philopmen, disregarding the exact letter of the law, performed a most spirited and n.o.ble action. He hurried to Sparta, and, though only a private man, shut its gates in the faces of the commander-in-chief of the Achaeans and of the Roman consul, put an end to the revolutionary movement there, and prevailed upon the city to rejoin the Achaean league. Some time afterwards however, we are told by Polybius that Philopmen, when commander-in-chief, having some quarrel with the Lacedaemonians, restored the exiles to the city, and put to death eighty, or, according to Aristokrates, three hundred and fifty Spartans. He also pulled down the walls of Sparta, and annexed a large portion of its territory to Megalopolis, while he forced all those persons who had been created citizens of Sparta under the rule of the despots to leave the city and proceed to Achaea, except three hundred.

These, because they refused to obey him and leave Lacedaemon he sold for slaves, and with the money, as a wanton insult, built a public portico in Megalopolis. Moreover, in his wrath against the Lacedaemonians, he did them a most cruel wrong, for he abolished the Lycurgean system of education and forced them to educate their children like those of the Achaeans, because he saw that they never would be humble-minded as long as they lived under the discipline of Lycurgus. Thus was the haughty city of Sparta brought so low by its misfortunes as to permit Philopmen to cut, as it were, its very sinews, and render it tame and crushed. Afterwards, however, the citizens obtained permission from Rome to retire from the Achaean confederation, upon which they restored their original const.i.tution as far as their great disasters permitted.

XVII. When the Romans were fighting king Antiochus in Greece, Philopmen was in a private station, but, seeing Antiochus lying idly at Chalkis, wasting his time in unseasonable courtships and weddings, while his Syrian troops, in great disorder and without officers to control them, were scattered through the various Greek cities, living in riotous debauchery, he was vexed at not being elected commander in chief, and said that he envied the Romans their victory. "I," said he, "if I had been in command, would have cut off the whole of Antiochus's army in the taverns."

After the defeat of Antiochus the Romans began to tighten their hold upon Greece, and to absorb the Achaean league. Many of the popular leaders took their side, and the growing power of Rome was fated by the divine blessing before long to become absolute in Greece.

Philopmen, like a skilful pilot, struggling against a rough sea, was often compelled to yield and give way for a time, yet as he was utterly opposed to the Romans he did his best to induce the most influential men to defend the liberties of Greece. Aristaenetus of Megapolis, a man of great influence with the Achaeans, who urged them in the public a.s.sembly not to oppose or to thwart the Romans in anything, was listened to by Philopmen for some time in silence, until at length he was moved to exclaim, "My good sir, why be in such a hurry to behold the end of Greece?" When Manius the Roman consul had conquered Antiochus, he begged the Achaeans to permit the Lacedaemonian exiles to return. t.i.tus Flamininus seconded this request, but Philopmen opposed it; not because he had any quarrel with the exiles, but because he wished their restoration to be effected by himself and the Achaeans, of their own free will, not as a favour to Flamininus and the Romans. Afterwards, when commander-in-chief, he himself restored them. Thus did his high spirit make him impatient of control and authority.

XVIII. When he was in his seventieth year, and eighth term of office as commander-in-chief, he might reasonably expect to finish not only his year of office, but also the rest of his life in peace; for just as in human bodies as their strength wastes away the violence of their diseases abates, so in the Greek states as their power failed their quarrels gradually ceased. However some Nemesis overtook him, as it does a too successful athlete just at the termination of his course.

It is said that when some persons in society were praising a man who was thought to be a good general, Philopmen said, "How can you think that man worth consideration, who was taken by his enemy alive."

A few days after this Deinokrates of Messene, a personal enemy of Philopmen, and one who was generally disliked because of his wicked and licentious life, caused Messene to revolt from the Achaean league, and was announced to be marching upon a village named Kolonis.

Philopmen was at this time lying ill with a fever in the city of Argos, but on hearing this he proceeded at once to Megalopolis, a distance of four hundred furlongs, in one day. From that city he set out straightway with a body of cavalry, composed of the n.o.blest citizens, but mostly very young men, who were proud to serve as volunteers under Philopmen. They rode into the Messenian territory, met Deinokrates near the hill of Evander, and put him to flight.

However as the Messenian frontier patrol of five hundred men suddenly came up, the defeated body rallied again, and Philopmen, fearing to be surrounded, and wishing to be careful of the lives of his men, retired into mountainous ground, himself protecting the rear, making frequent charges, and drawing the whole attack of the enemy upon himself. They did not dare to encounter him personally, but clamoured and wheeled about at a distance. In his eagerness to save each one of his young soldiers he ventured forward so often, to cover their retreat, that at last he found himself alone in the midst of his enemies. None of them dared to meet him, but pelted him with stones and darts from a distance, so that he was with difficulty able to guide his horse over the rocky and precipitous ground, and fatigued the animal greatly.

His age was no hindrance to him, because of his habit of constant exercise, but unluckily he was weak from his sickness, and wearied by his long journey, so as to feel faint. His horse at length stumbling threw him to the ground. He fell heavily on his head, and lay speechless for some time, so that his enemies thought that he was dead, and began to turn over his body and strip it. But when he raised his head and opened his eyes they fell upon him in a body, tied his hands behind his back, and led him away, jeering much at a man who never even dreamed that he could have been so triumphed over by Deinokrates.

XIX. The Messenians who were in the city, greatly excited at the news, a.s.sembled at the gates. When they saw Philopmen dragged along and treated in a manner so unworthy of a man who had gained such glorious victories, most of them felt compa.s.sion for him, and were moved to tears as they reflected how uncertain a thing is human power. Thus gradually they expressed aloud their kindly feeling towards him, saying that his former benefits and the liberty which he bestowed upon them by driving out the despot Nabis, ought to be had in remembrance. There were some few, however, who in order to gain favour with Deinokrates, advised him to put Philopmen to death by torture, pointing out that he was a dangerous enemy, and would be peculiarly exasperated against Deinokrates if he now were to regain his freedom after having been his captive and having been insulted by him. Finally they put him into what was called the Treasury, a subterranean chamber with no window or communication with the outward air, and no door even, but closed by a great stone. There they left him, putting the great stone over the entrance, and placing a guard of armed men round it.

Meanwhile the Achaean hors.e.m.e.n rallied from their flight, and as Philopmen was nowhere to be seen, they thought that he must have fallen. They remained for a long while, searching for him, and reproaching themselves with having obtained dishonourable safety by abandoning to the enemy their leader, who had laid down his life for them. Afterwards they pushed forward, inquiring everywhere for him, and at length learned that he had been captured. They at once sent the news to the various cities of the Achaean league, who took the matter greatly to heart, determined to demand Philopmen publicly from the Messenians, and prepared for a campaign on his behalf.

XX. While they were acting thus, Deinokrates feared that delay might save Philopmen's life. Wishing therefore to be beforehand with the Achaeans, as soon as night came on, and the greater part of the Messenians had retired, he opened the prison and sent into it a public slave with a draught of poison, ordering him to stand by Philopmen until he had drunk it. Philopmen was lying down wrapped in his cloak, not asleep, but full of trouble and distress of mind. When he saw the light and the slave with the poison standing beside him, he, with great difficulty on account of his weakness, raised himself into a sitting posture. He then took the cup into his hand, and inquired whether he knew anything about the knights, especially about one Lykortas. When the slave answered that most of them had escaped, he nodded his head, looked kindly upon him, and answered, "You tell me good news, if we are not all unfortunate." He uttered no other word, but drank the poison and laid down again. In his weak condition he was unable to offer any resistance to the operations of the drug, and died immediately.

XXI. When the Achaean cities heard of his death, they went into a general mourning for him. The men of military age a.s.sembled at Megalopolis without delay, chose Lykortas as their leader, invaded the Messenian territory, and ravaged it until the Messenians came to their senses and made terms with the Achaeans. Deinokrates escaped his merited fate by suicide, as did those who had advised that Philopmen should be put to death, while those who had advised that he should be tortured were themselves reserved for a death of torture by Lykortas.

They burned his body and collected the ashes into an urn, not carelessly, but mingling a sort of triumphal pomp with his funeral procession. There one might see men crowned with garlands but weeping at the same time, and leading along his enemies in chains. The urn itself, which was scarcely to be seen for the garlands and ribbons with which it was covered, was carried by Polybius, the son of the Achaean commander-in-chief, accompanied by the n.o.blest of the Achaeans.

The soldiers followed in complete armour, with caparisoned horses, not cast down, but yet too sad to feel any pride in their victory. As they pa.s.sed through the towns and villages on their way the inhabitants came out as if to welcome him on his return from a successful campaign, laid their hands on his urn, and joined in the procession to Megalopolis. When here the old men, women, and children joined them, a wail of distress ran through the whole army for the unhappy city which was mourning for its hero, and which thought itself to have lost, by his death, the first place in Greece. He was buried with great honour, as we may well believe, and round his tomb the Messenian captives wore stoned to death. Many statues were made of him, and many honours voted to him by the Greek cities, which afterwards during that unfortunate time for Greece when Corinth was destroyed, a Roman proposed to destroy, accusing Philopmen, as if he had been yet alive, of being always an enemy to the Romans. But after Polybius had answered this contemptible fellow, neither the consul Mummius nor his lieutenants would suffer him to deface and take away the honours done in memory of so famous and worthy a man, although he had frequently offered great opposition both to Flamininus and to Manius. They distinguished properly between honour and expediency, rightly thinking that men should reward those who benefit them, but that the brave should always be honoured by all brave men. Thus much have I to tell about Philopmen.

LIFE OF t.i.tUS FLAMININUS.

Those who wish to know what t.i.tus Quintius Flamininus, whom we have selected as a parallel to Philopmen, was like, may see his brazen statue in Rome, which stands beside the great statue of Apollo from Carthage, opposite to the Circus, with a Greek inscription upon it.

His temper is said to have been warm, both in love and in anger, though he was ever moderate and placable in inflicting punishment, while he was never weary in conferring favours, and was always eager to help those upon whom he had bestowed some benefit, preserving and protecting them as though they were the most precious of his possessions. Being ambitious and eager to distinguish himself, he wished to take the leading part in everything, and consequently preferred those who hoped to receive to those who were able to confer favours, because the former were his a.s.sistants and the latter his rivals in the struggle for honour.

He received a military training, being born at a time when Rome was engaged in most important wars, and when young men learned how to act as officers not by theory but by actual service in the field. He first served as military tribune under the consul Marcellus in the war with Hannibal. Marcellus perished in an ambuscade, but t.i.tus was made governor of Tarentum after its recapture, and of the surrounding territory. In this government, he won as great a reputation for justice as for courage, so that when the Romans sent colonists to the two cities of Narnia and Cossa, he was appointed to lead them and act as founder of the colonies.

II. This so elated him that he at once aspired to the consulship, pa.s.sing over all the usual steps of aedile, Tribune, or Praetor, by which young men generally rose to that office. When the day of election arrived, he appeared with a strong following of devoted partisans from those two towns. When the tribunes of the people, Fulvius and Manius, came forward and protested against a young man taking the highest office in the state by storm, contrary to the laws, and being as it were uninitiated in the very elements of the const.i.tution, the Senate referred the matter to the votes of the people, who elected him consul together with s.e.xtus aelius, although he was not yet thirty years old. In casting lots for provinces the war with Philip of Macedon fell to his share, greatly to the advantage of the Romans, because in that war they needed a general who would deal with the enemy not entirely by main force, but also win them over by persuasion and diplomacy. The kingdom of Macedonia was amply sufficient for Philip, if he only fought once with the Romans; but to maintain the cost of a long war, to supply his troops, and afford him necessary resources, the co-operation of Greece was essential to him.

Unless therefore Greece could be detached from his alliance, the war could not be decided by a single battle. Greece at this time had been brought but little into contact with the Romans, who then for the first time interfered in her politics. Unless, therefore, the Roman general had been a man of high character, willing to act by diplomacy rather than by war, and combining affability of address with a strict sense of justice, the Greeks would have been unwilling to throw off their allegiance to their former masters in order to place themselves under the new and untried dominion of Rome. Of these honourable traits in t.i.tus's character many instances will be found in his acts.

III. He learned that his predecessors, Sulpicius[32] and Publius[33], had both invaded Macedonia when the season was far advanced, had begun warlike operations too late, and had failed because Philip occupied the strong places in the country and hara.s.sed them by constant attacks upon their communications and foraging parties. Flamininus did not wish to follow their example, and, after wasting a year at home in the enjoyment of the consular dignity, and in taking part in the politics of Rome, to set out late in the year to begin his campaign, although by this means he might have extended his command over two years, by acting as consul in the first, and carrying on the war as proconsul during the second. He preferred to throw the weight of his power as consul into the conduct of the war, cared not to display the insignia of his office at Rome, but obtained from the Senate the appointment of his brother Lucius to the command of the fleet which was to co-operate with him, took as the nucleus of his army three thousand of the strongest of those veterans who under Scipio had beaten Hasdrubal in Spain and Hannibal in Africa, and safely crossed over with them into Epirus. Here he found Publius, with his army, watching that of Philip, which held the pa.s.ses near the river Apsus, but unable to effect anything on account of the enemy being so strongly posted. After taking over the army from Publius, whom he superseded in its command, he reconnoitred the position. Its strength is as great as that of the vale of Tempe, although it wants the lovely meadows and groves of trees for which the latter is celebrated. The river Apsus runs in a deep ravine between vast and lofty mountains, like the Peneus in appearance and swiftness, and beside it, at the foot of the mountains, runs one narrow and rocky path, along which it is difficult for an army to proceed even if unmolested, and utterly impossible if it be held by an enemy.

IV. t.i.tus was advised by some to turn Philip's flank, marching through the Da.s.saretid country along the Lykus, which would offer no such difficulties; but he feared to march far from the coast lest, like his predecessors, he should become entangled in a country which could furnish no supplies, be unable to force Philip to fight, and be obliged to retreat to the sea again from want of the means of subsistence. He determined to force his way through the mountains in front, and as these were held by Philip with his main body, the phalanx, his flanks being secured by archers and light armed troops, skirmishes took place between him and the Romans daily, with considerable loss on both sides, but without any result, until some of the natives of the country informed him of a path, neglected by the enemy, by which they undertook to lead his army, and on the third day at the latest to place it upon the heights. As a guarantee of their good faith they referred the Romans to Charops, the chief of the Epirot tribes, who was friendly to the Romans, and co-operated with them secretly, being afraid of Philip. t.i.tus trusting in this man's word sent one of the military tribunes with four thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry. They were guided by these peasants, who were strictly guarded, and marched by night, resting by day in woods and sheltered places: for the moon was full. t.i.tus, after he had despatched this force, rested his army, only skirmishing slightly with the enemy lest they should entertain any suspicion, until the day upon which the turning party was expected to appear on the summit of the mountain range. On that morning he got his whole force under arms, light and heavy armed alike, and dividing it into three parts himself led one body in column up to the attack of the narrowest part of the pa.s.s beside the river, while the Macedonians shot at him from above and disputed every inequality of the ground, while on his right and left the other detachments likewise vigorously attacked the position.

The sun rose while they were thus engaged, and a light cloud of smoke, not distinct, but like a mountain mist, rose from the captured heights. It was unnoticed by the enemy, being behind their backs, but kept the Romans, while they fought, in a state of hopeful excitement and suspense. When however it grew thicker and blacker, and rising in a cloud proved itself without doubt to be the looked-for signal, they rushed forward with a shout and drove the enemy into their innermost places of refuge, while those on the rocks above echoed their warlike clamour.

V. A headlong flight now took place, but the enemy lost only two thousand men, for the difficulties of the ground made it hard to pursue. The Romans, however, made themselves masters of their baggage, tents, and slaves, and marched through Epirus in such an orderly and well-disciplined fashion that, although the soldiers were far from their ships, had not had their monthly allowance of provisions served out to them, and were not often near a market, they nevertheless abstained from plundering a country which was abounding in riches.

Indeed t.i.tus had learned that Philip pa.s.sed through Thessaly like a fugitive, driving the inhabitants of the city to fly to the mountains for refuge, burning the cities and giving all the property which could not be carried away to his soldiers as plunder.

As Philip therefore had given up the country to the Romans, t.i.tus besought his soldiers to march through it taking as much care of it as if it were their own. This good discipline was not long in bearing fruit; for as soon as the Romans entered Thessaly the cities surrendered themselves to t.i.tus, while the Greeks beyond Thermopylae were excited and eager for him to come to them, and in Peloponnesus the Achaean league threw off allegiance to Philip, and agreed to wage war against him in conjunction with the Romans. The Opuntian Lokrians also sent for t.i.tus and delivered themselves up to him, although they had been pressed by the aetolians, who were allies of the Romans, to allow them to take charge of their city. It is said that king Pyrrhus, when from a mountain watch-tower he first saw the Roman army drawn up in regular order, said:--"These barbarians have nothing barbarous in their military discipline." And in truth all those who met t.i.tus were compelled to echo these words. They heard from the Macedonians that the leader of a barbarian army was coming to destroy everything and to reduce everyone to slavery: and then meeting a young and pleasant looking man, who was a thorough Greek in language and address, and a man of really n.o.ble character, they were marvellously fascinated by him, and on leaving him filled their cities with his praises, saying that at length they had found a champion for the liberties of Greece.

After he had proposed to Philip, as terms of peace, that he should withdraw his garrisons and leave Greece independent, which Philip refused to do, then even those who had previously been on the side of Philip admitted that the Romans had not come to fight against the Greeks, but to fight with the Greeks against the Macedonians.

VI. The whole of Greece came to terms with him without a struggle, Thebes being the first city to send a deputation to welcome him as he peacefully marched through Botia. It was Brachyllus who had kept the Thebans loyal to Philip, but now they desired to show their admiration and esteem for Flamininus, being, as they imagined, on terms of amity with both parties. t.i.tus received them with great courtesy, and walked gently forwards with them, conversing with them and asking them questions, until his soldiers, who were marching some distance behind, came up with him. Then he walked into the city in the company of the Thebans, not altogether to their satisfaction, although they did not like to attempt to keep him out, as he was accompanied by a good many soldiers. Yet, as if the town were not entirely at his mercy, he made them a speech, urging them to side with the Romans, while King Attalus spoke to the same effect, encouraging the Thebans to rally to the Roman cause. Attalus, indeed, over-exerted himself in his speech, considering his great age, and in consequence of a sudden dizziness or faintness fell down in a fit. He was shortly afterwards conveyed by sea to Asia Minor, and died there. However, the Botians accepted the Roman alliance.

VII. Philip now sent an emba.s.sy to Rome; and Flamininus also sent thither to beg the Senate to allow him to retain his office of consul, in case they should continue the war, or if they decided otherwise, to permit him to have the honour of concluding a peace with Philip; for his ambitious spirit could not endure to be superseded by another commander. His friends succeeded in obtaining the rejection of Philip's demands, and his own continuance in office. As soon as he received this intelligence, he started, full of hope, to attack Philip in Thessaly, with an army of more than twenty-six thousand men, of which the aetolians supplied six thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry. The army of Philip was of nearly equal numbers, and they began to march towards one another until they both drew near the city of Skotussa, where they determined to fight a decisive battle. When the two armies found themselves so near each other they felt no fear, as one might have expected, but each was confident of victory. The Romans were eager for the honour of overcoming the Macedonians, who had gained such glory under Alexander the Great; while the Macedonians, admitting the Romans to be very different soldiers to the Persians, swelled with pride at the thought that if they could conquer them, they would prove their king Philip to be even more invincible than Alexander himself. t.i.tus also encouraged his soldiers to quit them like men, pointing out that they were about to fight in Greece, a n.o.ble theatre in which to display deeds of daring, and against worthy antagonists; while Philip, either by chance, or not noticing what he was doing in his haste, mounted upon a large sepulchre outside his camp, and from it began to make the usual speech to his men to encourage them for the coming struggle, but at length observing the evil omen was much disheartened by it, broke off in confusion, and would not fight that day.

VIII. On the following morning about dawn, as the night had been warm and damp, the whole plain was covered with fog, and a thick mist poured down from the neighbouring hills; which rendered it impossible to distinguish any object. The parties which were sent out by each army to reconnoitre fell in with one another and fought near the place called Kynoskephalae, that is, Dogs' Heads, which is so named because a number of small hills near together have something of this appearance.

In the combat, as usually happens in such rough ground, each side alternately had the advantage, and as each gave way they were reinforced from the respective camps. Now the fog lifted, and the two commanders resolved upon a general engagement. Philip's right wing, on which the phalanx charged down-hill with all its weight, was victorious, the Romans being unable to stand before that hedge of spears, or break through that closely-locked array of shields. But on the left the Macedonians were unable to maintain their line, because of the inequalities of the ground, and t.i.tus, seeing that his left was hopelessly routed, rode quickly to his own right, and suddenly attacked the enemy, who, because of the uneven nature of the ground, were unable to form their phalanx with its deep ranks, in which lies the peculiar strength of that order of battle, while the soldiers of which it is composed are armed in an unwieldy fashion which renders them helpless in a hand-to-hand fight. For the Macedonian phalanx[34]

is like some huge beast of invincible strength so long as it remains one body, close locked together in serried ranks; but when broken up it loses even the advantage of each individual soldier's strength, because of the fashion in which they are armed, as they can only act together, not separately. When this body was routed some of the Romans pursued the fugitives, while others charged the victorious Macedonians in flank, soon forcing them to break up their array and fly in confusion, throwing away their arms. There fell no less than eight thousand of them, and five thousand were taken prisoners. The aetolian cavalry were blamed for letting Philip escape, because they betook themselves to plundering the camp of the Macedonians even before the Romans ceased their pursuit, so that on their return they found that nothing had been left for them.

IX. From this there arose quarrels between the aetolians and the Romans; and afterwards they exasperated t.i.tus by taking to themselves the credit of the victory, and being the first to spread abroad that report among the Greeks so that they received all the honours due to victors, and were mentioned first in all the poems and ballads written about the battle. Of these, that which was most in vogue was the following:--

"Unwept, unburied, on this mountain high, Stranger, Thessalians thirty thousand lie; They fell before aetolia's sons in war.

And Romans, brought by t.i.tus from afar.

aemathia weeps their loss. Bold Philip too, Flies like a deer, and knows not what to do."

This was written by Alkaeus to insult Philip, exaggerating the number of the slain; but when it came to be repeated many times and by many men, it vexed t.i.tus more than Philip. The latter indeed parodied it in the following lines.

"Unshaped, unpolished, stands a gibbet strong, Upon this hill to hang Alkaeus on."