"It is necessary," said the amba.s.sadors of Francis to the electors, "it is necessary to prove to the Dukes of Austria, that the imperial crown is not hereditary. Besides, in existing circ.u.mstances, Germany has need not of a young man of nineteen, but of a prince who, to an experienced judgment, joins talents which have already been recognised. Francis will unite the arms of France and Lombardy to those of Germany, and make war on the Mussulmans. Sovereign of the duchy of Milan, he is already a member of the imperial body." These arguments, the French amba.s.sadors supported by four hundred thousand crowns, which they distributed in purchasing votes and in festivities, by which they endeavoured to gain over their guests.

The third compet.i.tor was Henry VIII, who, jealous of the influence which the choice of the electors might give to Francis or Charles, also entered the lists, but soon left his powerful rivals sole disputants for the crown.

The electors were not disposed to favour either. Their subjects thought they would have in Francis a foreign master, and a master who might deprive the electors themselves of their independence, as he had lately deprived the n.o.bles of his own dominions. As to Charles, it was an ancient rule with the electors not to choose a prince who was already playing an important part in the empire. The pope shared in these fears. He wished neither the king of Naples, who was his neighbour, nor the king of France, whose enterprising spirit filled him with alarm; "Choose rather some one from amongst yourselves," was his message to the electors. The elector of Treves proposed Frederick of Saxony, and the imperial crown was laid at the feet of Luther's friend.

[Sidenote: CHARLES V ELECTED EMPEROR.]

This choice would have obtained the approbation of all Germany.

Frederick's wisdom, and affection for his people, were well known.

During the revolt of Erfurt, he had been urged to take the town by a.s.sault, and refused, in order to spare blood. "But it will not cost five men." "A single man would be too many," replied the prince.[174]

The triumph of the Reformation seemed on the eve of being secured by the election of its protector. Ought not Frederick to have regarded the offer of the electors as a call from G.o.d himself? Who could have presided better over the destinies of the empire than a prince of so much wisdom? Who could have been stronger to oppose the Turks than an emperor strong in faith? The refusal of the Elector of Saxony, so much lauded by historians, was perhaps a fault. For the contests which afterwards tore Germany to pieces he is perhaps partly to blame. But it is difficult to say whether Frederick deserves censure for his want of faith or honour for his humility. He thought that even the safety of the empire made it his duty to refuse the crown.[175] "To save Germany," said this modest and disinterested prince, "an emperor more powerful than I is requisite."

[174] L. Op. (W.) xxii, p. 1858.

[175] "Is vero heroca plane moderatione animi magnifice repudiavit".... (Pallavicini, i, p. 79.) With a moderation amounting to heroism he n.o.bly declined it.

The legate of Rome seeing that the choice would fall upon Charles, intimated that the pope withdrew his objections; and on the 28th of June, the grandson of Maximilian was elected. "G.o.d," said Frederick afterwards, "gave him to us in mercy and in anger."[176] The Spanish envoys sent a present of thirty thousand gold florins to the Elector of Saxony, as a mark of their master's grat.i.tude; but the prince refused it, and charged his ministers not to accept of any present. At the same time he secured the German liberties by an engagement, to which the envoys of Charles took an oath in his name. The circ.u.mstances in which the latter prince encircled his head with the imperial crown seemed still better fitted than the oath to secure the Germanic liberties, and the success of the Reformation. The young prince was jealous of the laurels which his rival, Francis I, had gained at Marignan. The struggle was to be continued in Italy, and in the meantime the Reformation would doubtless be made secure. Charles left Spain in May, 1520, and was crowned on the 22nd of October, at Aix-la-Chapelle.

[176] L. Op. (W.) xxii, p. 1880.

CHAP. II.

Luther writes to the Emperor--Luther's dangers--Instructions of Frederick to the court of Rome--Luther's sentiments--Melancthon's fears--The German n.o.bles favourable to the Reformation--Schaumburg--Seckingen--Ulric de Hutten--Luther's Confidence--Luther's Greater Freedom--Faith the source of Works--What Faith gives--Luther judging his own writings.

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S LETTER TO THE EMPEROR.]

Luther had foreseen that the cause of the Reformation would soon be brought before the new emperor; and, when Charles was still at Madrid, addressed a letter to him, in which he said, "If the cause which I defend is worthy of being presented before the heavenly Majesty, it cannot be unworthy of engaging the attention of a prince of this world. O, Charles! prince of the kings of the earth, I cast myself as a suppliant at the feet of your most serene majesty, and beseech you to deign to take under the shadow of your wings, not me, but the very cause of eternal truth, for the defence of which G.o.d has entrusted you with the sword."[177] The young king of Spain threw aside this odd letter from a German monk, and returned no answer.

[177] Causam ipsam veritatis.... (L. Ep. i, p. 392. 15th Jan., 1520.)

While Luther was turning in vain toward Madrid, the storm seemed gathering around him. Fanaticism was rekindled in Germany.

Hochstraten, indefatigable in his efforts at persecution, had extracted certain theses from Luther's writings, and obtained their condemnation by the universities of Cologne and Louvain. That of Erfurt, which had always had a grudge at Luther, for having given Wittemberg the preference, was on the eve of following their example.

But the doctor, having been informed of it, wrote Lange, in terms so energetic that the theologians of Erfurt took fright, and said nothing. Still, however, there was enough to inflame the minds of men in the condemnation p.r.o.nounced by Cologne and Louvain. More than this; the priests of Misnia who had espoused Emser's quarrel said openly (such is Melancthon's statement) that there would be no sin in killing Luther.[178] "The time is come," said Luther, "when men think they will do Jesus Christ service by putting us to death." The murderous language of the priests did not fail of its effect.

[178] "Ut sine peccato esse eum censebant qui me interfecerit." (L.

Ep. i, p. 383.)

[Sidenote: FREDERICK'S INSTRUCTIONS TO HIS ENVOY.]

"One day," says a biographer, "when Luther was in front of the Augustin convent, a stranger, with a pistol hid under his arm, accosted him, and said, Why do you walk about thus quite alone?" "I am in the hands of G.o.d," replied Luther; "He is my strength and my shield." "Thereupon," adds the biographer, "the stranger grew pale, and fled trembling."[179] About the same time Serra Longa, the orator of the conference of Augsburg, wrote to the Elector, "Let not Luther find any asylum in the states of your highness, but, repulsed by all, let him be stoned to death in the face of heaven. This would please me more than a gift of ten thousand crowns."[180]

[179] Was kann mir ein Mensch thun? (Keith, L. Umstande, p. 89.)

[180] Tenze, Hist. Ber. ii, p. 168.

But the sound of the gathering storm was heard, especially in the direction of Rome. Valentine Teutleben, a n.o.ble of Thuringia, vicar of the Archbishop of Mentz, and a zealous partisan of the papacy, was the representative of the Elector of Saxony at Rome. Teutleben, ashamed of the protection which his master gave to the heretical monk, could not bear to see his mission paralysed by this imprudent conduct; and imagined that, by alarming the Elector, he would induce him to abandon the rebel theologian. Writing to his master, he said, "I am not listened to, because of the protection which you give to Luther." But the Romans were mistaken if they thought they could frighten sage Frederick. He knew that the will of G.o.d and the movements of the people were more irresistible than the decrees of the papal chancery.

He ordered his envoy to hint to the pope that, far from defending Luther, he had always left him to defend himself, that he had moreover told him to quit Saxony and the university, that the doctor had declared his readiness to obey, and would not now be in the electoral states had not the legate, Charles de Milt.i.tz, begged the prince to keep him near himself, from a fear that in other countries he would act with still less restraint than in Saxony.[181] Frederick did still more; he tried to enlighten Rome. "Germany," continues he, in his letter, "now possesses a great number of learned men distinguished for scholarship and science; the laity themselves begin to cultivate their understanding, and to love the Holy Scriptures. Hence, there is great reason to fear that, if the equitable proposals of Doctor Luther are not accepted, peace will never be re-established. The doctrine of Luther has struck its roots deep in many hearts. If, instead of refuting it by pa.s.sages from the Bible, an attempt is made to crush him by the thunders of ecclesiastical power, great scandal will be given, and pernicious and dreadful outbreaks will ensue."[182]

[181] Da er viel freyer und sicherer schreiben und handeln mochte was er wollte.... (L. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 298.)

[182] Schreckliche, grausame, schadliche und verderbliche Emporungen erregen. (Ibid.)

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S FEELINGS. MELANCTHON'S FEARS.]

The Elector, having full confidence in Luther, caused Teutleben's letter to be communicated to him, and also another letter from cardinal St. George. The Reformer was moved on reading them. He at once saw all the dangers by which he was surrounded, and for an instant his heart sank. But it was in such moments as these that his faith displayed its full power. Often, when feeble and ready to fall into despondency, he rallied again, and seemed greater amid the raging of the storm. He would fain have been delivered from all these trials; but, aware of the price that must have been paid for repose, he spurned it with indignation. "Be silent!" said he, "I am disposed to be so, if I am allowed--that is to say, if others are silent. If any one envies my situation he is welcome to it. If any one is desirous to destroy my writings, let him burn them. I am ready to remain quiet, provided gospel truth is not compelled to be quiet also.[183] I ask not a cardinal's hat; I ask neither gold, nor aught that Rome esteems.

There is nothing which I will not concede, provided Christians are not excluded from the way of salvation.[184] All their threatenings do not terrify--all their promises cannot seduce me."

[183] Semper quiescere paratus, modo veritatem evangelicam non jubeant quiescere. (L. Ep. i, p. 462.)

[184] Si salutis viam Christianis permittant esse liberam, hoc unum peto ab illis, ac praeterea nihil.... (Ibid.)

Animated by these sentiments, Luther soon resumed his warlike temperament, preferring the Christian combat to the calmness of solitude. One night was sufficient to revive his desire of overthrowing Rome. "My part is taken," wrote he next day. "I despise the fury of Rome, and I despise her favour. No more reconciliation, nor more communication with her for ever.[185] Let her condemn and burn my writings! I, in my turn, will condemn and publicly burn the pontifical law, that nest of all heresies. The moderation which I have shown up to this hour has been useless, and I have done with it!"

[185] Nolo eis reconciliari nec communicare in perpetuum.... (Ibid. p.

466, 10th July, 1520.)

His friends were far from feeling equally tranquil. Great alarm prevailed at Wittemberg. "We are waiting in extreme anxiety," said Melancthon. "I would sooner die than be separated from Luther.[186]

Unless G.o.d come to our a.s.sistance we perish." Writing a month later, in his anxiety, he says, "Our Luther still lives, and G.o.d grant he long may; for the Roman sycophants are using every mean to destroy him. Pray for the life of him who is sole vindicator of sound theology."[187]

[186] Emori malim, quam ab hoc viro avelli. (Corp. Reform. pp. 160, 163.)

[187] Martinus noster spirat, atque utinam diu.... (Corpus Refor. i, pp. 190, 208.)

[Sidenote: SCHAUMBURG. SECKINGEN. ULRIC VON HUTTEN]

These prayers were not in vain. The warnings which the Elector had given Rome, through his envoy, were not without foundation. The word of Luther had been every where heard, in cottages, and convents, at the firesides of the citizens, in the castles of n.o.bles, in academies, and in the palaces of kings. He had said to Duke John of Saxony, "Let my life only have contributed to the salvation of a single individual, and I will willingly consent that all my books perish."[188] Not a single individual, but a great mult.i.tude, had found light in the writings of the humble doctor; and hence, in all quarters, there were men ready to protect him. The sword which was to attack him was on the anvil of the Vatican; but there were heroes in Germany who would interpose their bodies as his buckler. At the moment when the bishops were waxing wroth, when princes were silent, when the people were awaiting the result, and when the thunder was already grumbling on the seven hills, G.o.d raised up the German n.o.bility, and placed them as a rampart around his servant.

[188] L. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 392.

At this time Sylvester of Schaumburg, one of the most powerful n.o.bles of Franconia, sent his son to Wittemberg with a letter for the Reformer, in which he said, "Your life is exposed to danger. If the support of electors, princes, or magistrates fails you, I beg you to beware of going into Bohemia, where, of old, very learned men had much to suffer; come rather to me; G.o.d willing, I shall soon have collected more than a hundred gentlemen, and with their help, will be able to keep you free from harm."[189]

[189] "Denn Ich, und hundert von Adel, die Ich (ob Gott will) aufbringen will, euch redlich anhalten".... (L. Op. (L.) xvii, p.

381.)

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S CONFIDENCE.]

Francis of Seckingen, the hero of his age, whose intrepid courage we have already seen,[190] loved the Reformer, because he found that he was worthy of love, and also because he was hated by the monks.[191]

"My person, my property, and services, all that I possess," wrote he to him, "is at your disposal. Your wish is to maintain Christian truth, and in that I am ready to a.s.sist you."[192] Harmuth of Cronberg, spoke in similar terms. Ulric von Hutten, the poet and valiant knight of the sixteenth century, ceased not to speak in commendation of Luther. But how great the contrast between these two men! Hutten wrote to the Reformer--"We must have swords, bows, javelins, and bullets, to destroy the fury of the devil." Luther, on receiving these letters, exclaimed--"I have no wish that men should have recourse to arms and carnage in order to defend the gospel. It was by the Word the world was overcome, by the Word the Church has been saved, and by the Word will she be re-established." "I despise not his offers," said he on receiving the above letter from Schaumburg, "but still I wish to lean on none but Christ."[193] So spake not the pontiffs of Rome when they waded in the blood of the Vaudois and Albigenses. Hutten was sensible of the difference between his cause and Luther's, and accordingly wrote with n.o.ble frankness: "I am occupied with the things of man, but you, rising to a far greater height, give yourself wholly to those of G.o.d."[194] After thus writing, he set out to try, if possible, to gain over Ferdinand and Charles V to the truth.[195]

[190] "Equitum Germaniae rarum decus;" "the pink of German knights,"

says Melancthon on this occasion. (Corp. Reform. i, p. 201.)

[191] Et ob id invisus illis (Ibid. p. 132.)