[332] A very good summary of the pygmy peoples in all parts of the world is given by Mr. W. A. Reed in his useful _Negritos of Zambales_, 13-22. _Cf._ Keane, _Man, Past and Present_, 118-121; Keane, _Ethnology_, 246-248; and Sir W. H. Flower, _Essays on Museums_, cap.

xix.

[333] Latham, _Man and his Migrations_, 55, 56. Dr. Beke was a most cautious observer, and I have consulted all his contributions to the _Journal of the Geographical Society_ (vol. xiii.) and have found no sign of his retraction of the evidence. His correspondence in the _Literary Gazette_ of 1843, p. 852, discusses the question of the Dokos being pygmies, but he adheres to his information as to the absence of social structure being correct.

[334] Lib. ii. 32, 8; _cf._ Quatref.a.ges, _The Pygmies_, cap. 1, "The Pygmies of the Ancients."

[335] Lieut.-Col. Sutherland, _Memoir respecting the Kaffirs, Hottentots, and Bosjemans_, i. 67 (Cape Town, 1846).

[336] Burrows, _The Land of Pygmies_, 182.

[337] Mr. A. B. Lloyd's volume _In Dwarfland and Cannibal Country_, p.

96, is the most recent evidence.

[338] It is worth noting here that the Chinese traditions of the pygmies are exceedingly suggestive and curious. See Moseley, _Notes by a Naturalist_, 369.

[339] Skeat and Blagden, _Malay Peninsula_, ii. 443.

[340] _Journ. Indian Archipelago_, iv. 425-427; _cf._ _Journ. Anthrop.

Inst._, xvi. 228; Wallace, _Malay Archipelago_, 452.

[341] Clifford, _In Court and Kampong_, 171-181.

[342] Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Races of Malay Peninsula_, i. 13.

[343] _Op. cit._, i. 53-4, 139, 169, 172, 341.

[344] _Op. cit._, i. 170.

[345] _Op. cit._, i. 243-248, 268.

[346] _Op. cit._, i. 494; ii. 56, 218.

[347] _Op. cit._, ii. 3. Compare _Journ. Indian Archipelago_, iv. 427, "they are called after particular trees, that is, if a child is born under or near a cocoanut or durian, or any particular tree in the forest, it is named accordingly," and John Anderson, _Considerations relative to Malayan Peninsula_, 1824, p. xli.

[348] _Op. cit._, ii. 4, 192, 194.

[349] _Op. cit._, ii. 174, 209.

[350] _Archaeological Review_, i. 13, from an official report published in a Government Blue Book.

[351] Brinton, _The American Race_; Curtin, _Creation Myths of Primitive America_.

[352] Darwin, _Journal of Researches_, 228.

[353] _Anthropological Inst._, vii. 502-510.

[354] Quatref.a.ges, _The Pygmies_, 24, 48, 69.

[355] There is ample evidence of this characteristic. Thus, of the Australians of Port Lincoln district, it is said that "the habit of constantly changing their place of rest is so great that they cannot overcome it even if staying where all their wants can be abundantly supplied."--_Trans. Roy. Soc., Victoria_, v. 178.

[356] _Fortnightly Review_, lxxviii. 455.

[357] _Secret of the Totem_, 125, 140.

[358] _British a.s.sociation Report_, 1902, p. 745. _Cf._ Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, 160.

[359] Lang, _Secret of the Totem_, 140, quoting Grey, _Vocabulary of the Dialects of South-west Australia_.

[360] Spencer and Gillen, _Tribes of Central Australia_, 119.

[361] The reader should consult Mason's _Women's Share in Primitive Culture_, and Bucher's _Industrial Evolution_, for evidence on this point.

[362] Livingstone, _South Africa_, 462.

[363] Sleeman, _Rambles of an Indian Official_, i. 43. "Banotsarg is the name given to the marriage ceremony performed in honour of a newly planted orchard, without which preliminary observance it is not proper to partake of its fruit. A man holding the Salagram personates the bridegroom, and another holding the sacred Tulsi personates the bride.

After burning a hom or sacrificial fire, the officiating Brahmin puts the usual questions to the couple about to be united. The bride then perambulates a small spot marked out in the centre of the orchard.

Proceeding from the south towards the west, she makes the circuit three times, followed at a short distance by the bridegroom holding in his hand a strip of her chadar of garment. After this, the bridegroom takes precedence, making his three circuits, and followed in like manner by his bride. The ceremony concludes with the usual offerings" (Elliot, _Folklore of North-west Provinces of India_, i. 234).

[364] Myths explaining the domestication of animals belong to this stage of culture. The dog is a sacred animal among the Khasis, with certain totemic a.s.sociations, and there is a very realistic and humanising myth relating how the dog came to be regarded as the friend of man (Gurdon, _The Khasis_, 51, 172-3). The Kyeng creation legend includes a good example of animal friendship with man (Lewin, _Wild Races of South-east India_, 238-9). The American creation myths afford remarkable testimony to this view of the case. "Game and fish of all sorts were under direct divine supervision ... maize or Indian corn is a transformed G.o.d who gave himself to be eaten to save men from hunger and death" (Curtin, _Creation Myths of Primitive America_, pp. xxvi, x.x.xviii). The Narrinyeri Australians "do not appear to have any story of the origin of the world, but nearly all animals they suppose anciently to have been men who performed great prodigies, and at last transformed themselves into different kinds of animals and stones"

(Taplin, _The Narrinyeri_, 59).

[365] _Legend of Perseus_, i. cap. vi.

[366] _Secret of the Totem_, 29.

[367] Mitch.e.l.l, _Australian Expeditions_, i. 307; _cf._ Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, 200, 224; Taplin, _The Narrinyeri_, 10.

[368] Curr, _Australian Race_, i. p. 193; _cf._ Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, ii. p. 316.

[369] Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, 66, 285, 289.

[370] Fison and Howitt, _op. cit._, 68, 73.

[371] Lang, _Secret of the Totem_, 64.

[372] Spencer and Gillen, _Central Tribes_, 7.

[373] Spencer and Gillen, _Central Tribes_, 120, 124, 133.

[374] _Globus_, xci, a very important criticism of Spencer and Gillen's work.

[375] Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._, 139, 154.

[376] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes_, 144.

[377] _Globus_, xci, gives important evidence of traces of female descent among the Arunta.

[378] There is conflict of testimony on this point. Spencer and Gillen deny that the Arunta recognise the fact of paternity in any way (see _Northern Tribes_, pp. xiii, 145, 330), and yet talk of the "actual father" in ceremonial functions (p. 361).