Nevertheless, there is good reason for government debts; and every form of government, from the loftiest to the most insignificant, finds such indebtedness easy to contract. The smallest school district can issue scrip in payment of its teacher, or can issue bonds for the construction of its school-house. Only the general government, under our laws, can borrow by issuing due-bills in the form of legal tender notes. All of these certificates of indebtedness enter into the general commerce under the common law of supply and demand, and bear an economic price proportional to the certainty of their final payment and the convenience of their use in commercial transactions. The exemption of national bonds, or even state bonds, from local taxation works no more hardship than the exemption of state property. Under ordinary circ.u.mstances the entire advantage of such exemption is gained by the state, and so by all the taxpayers of the state. The exemption of national bonds from every form of taxation prohibits interference with the government's privilege of borrowing when and where it can, and the advantage comes back to the people _in full_ through the low rate of interest or the premium in price which such bonds bear. They are subject to fluctuations in value through their being a means of transferring floating capital between industries.

Under a stable government, with a somewhat permanent debt, a holder of bonds is a sort of stockholder in the governmental wealth, with definite stated dividends rather than profits.

Such bonds have various effects upon a general industry of the country.

While they lessen somewhat the immediate burdens of present productive industries, they may increase the burden of the same industries in a second generation. Their convenience in securing annuities for long series of years may diminish the enterprise of a community by fostering a cla.s.s of non-producers, whose wealth is represented in the display of government buildings rather than in productive enterprises. Just so far as government employs the capital of the country through bonds, it diminishes the capital which would otherwise find investment in productive employment.

The danger of extravagance to even small communities, from the ease with which such government debts can be contracted, warrants the contrivance of strong const.i.tutional limitations. Indeed, provision, not only against extravagant debt, but for reasonably prompt settlement, may well be required by const.i.tutional law. All property holders, but especially land holders, are interested in preventing extravagant outlay by means of bonded indebtedness. Farmers must know that the burden will have to be borne, with all the natural additions, by the property they hold, and the value of that property will be lessened by whatever extra burden it bears.

_Settlement of government debts._-The settlement of government debts is a matter of uncertain provision. In many instances there has been a tendency toward a permanent debt. The United States has shown a surprising capacity for making such debts for all sorts of purposes, but has also shown an equally surprising ability in payment. And yet examples are not wanting, even in our own country, of a tendency to indefinite postponement and a rapidly increasing burden, until settlement could be made only by compromise or a total repudiation. The effect of such bankruptcy of nation, state or munic.i.p.ality is like that of any failing enterprise, only more widely felt. The repudiation of a government debt affects the capital of the country like the confiscation of estates under ancient tyranny. It destroys the common faith, which is the basis for true productive industry. It takes the nation back into the dark ages as regards its relation to the individual welfare of citizens. Every economic reason existing for the collection of private debts, and leading to government machinery for collecting such debts, has still greater force when applied to the debts of governments. The demoralization, widespread and destructive, which follows repudiation, or anything resembling it, cannot be outgrown for generations. The most plausible reasons for repudiation, except in cases of absolute fraud against the government, should have no weight with a citizen who cares for the welfare of his fellow-citizens and their progress toward that welfare, under the natural laws concerning wealth. A nation of robbers is safer to live in than a robbing nation.

CONCLUSION.

It is clear that Rural Welfare, as far at least as it rests upon Wealth, is to be gained by careful study of laws of nature and human nature quite independent of mere wishes. The only way to improve the present situation of affairs in any community is to use the natural forces within reach to advantage. All the growth of the past is preparation for more growth and better fruit in the present and future. The farmer who knows most about the fundamental principles of property and property rights in society is most likely to best serve his community, as well as himself.

Still it is equally clear that the chief elements of Rural Welfare are not mere wealth. Wealth is but the material out of which the external machinery of welfare is formed. Every way essential to progress in any degree, it does not give the chief test of progress. No one is gaining the full use of his wealth until it is well spent for the welfare that is strictly personal,-health, wisdom and virtue. No society, however wealthy, has reached true welfare till all its members appreciate the higher welfare, and make wealth-seeking a means for securing it.

Rural communities can take advantage of many inexpensive ways of adding to their welfare without great wealth. The natural surroundings of the country home give development to ability and courage in children that are better than wealth. The same principles of thrift that are to be cultivated for the sake of material comforts apply to the larger welfare that a wise enjoyment of nature's gifts and nature's lessons may bring.

The thrifty farmer comes nearest of all men to the ideal condition of the wise man, expressed in the wish, "Give me neither poverty nor riches." He can have enough to comfortably house, clothe and feed his family in the midst of surroundings as wholesome as the world affords. He can give his children, by the aid of their healthy bodies and strong hearts, as good opportunities for education as any can use. He has a natural leisure for self-culture in the use of papers and books, if he tries to use it, and his relations with neighbors of similar abilities are more human, more true, than those found in any other circ.u.mstances. If farmers live as they ought, their homes are centers of true hospitality, true sympathy for human rights; and with a little more constant care for neighborly spirit would come nearest to giving the true foundation for manly and womanly character in children, and so in their parents.

A family of eight children grew up on a farm of little more than one hundred acres, chopped out of the wilderness. Father and mother worked hard and strove thriftily to make their children useful. A school was the first requisite, even though it must be taught in the one room that was kitchen, library and parlor, if not the bedroom, too. The church was equally important, though it took the choicest lot on the farm for its location. Newspapers and wholesome books were as needful as daily bread.

The household was a center of cheer and interest for the entire community.

The first Sunday School and the first Temperance Society of all that new country were organized there. The trend of national life towards higher ideals of justice for all humanity was first recognized there, so that three of the four votes cast in that township for the first liberty ticket were connected with the same household. The whole world came nearer these youth because they learned about it.

When opportunity came for larger growth in college training, all but the oldest boy and the oldest girl sought it eagerly. These made the old homestead and a neighboring farm worthy centers of the same true influence. The three sons and the three daughters whose education lifted them to a little wider field of influence are all recognized as having been leaders in this country, and their names are cherished by thousands who have known their work. The thrift that has made them useful in the truest welfare of the world was cultivated and trained on that little farm.

The little farm became itself an evidence of thrift, attractive in its beauty as well as in its productiveness. It gave to the father and mother a satisfactory living till both died, the mother at eighty, and the father at nearly a hundred. Riches they never needed, for they had enough with the blessings of children and children's children scattered through the world. The farm is still in the family, doing its good work for the fourth and fifth generations, in the same wholesome way and with promise of never-ending welfare. A little wealth well used means enormous welfare.

The farm homes of America will be the seat of America's welfare if their occupants know all they can of the thrift that gives power, and do as well as they know. Farmers who think carefully and earnestly will not expect to overturn nature as it is, but to use it for all it is worth. This little book is intended to help toward such a use of power and wealth as may bring genuine welfare. Its author hopes in this way to pay in part the debt he owes to the little farm.